Sri Varadarajaswami

SRI VARADARAJASWAMI
TJB JVI F* LE KA>JCHI

SRI VARADARAJASWAMI TEMPLE-KANCHI

A STUDY OF ITS HISTORY, ART AND ARCHITECTURE

K. V. RAMAN

ABHINAV PUBLICATIONS

NEW DELHI 1975

First Edition - Eojpt&mli&r? 1 Q7 5
<g) KL.V. Raman

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Abh inav Publications
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2/34 s Roop Nagar
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Dedicated to the generations of kings and
queens and the humbler folk whose devotion
and charity have sustained this temple through
the ages

srr^zri

FOREWORD

Kanchipuram, one of the reputed Muktikshetras, not very far from Madras, is
probably the best known of all places in South India to the earliest writers. Asoka
had a stupa built here which Hiuen-Tsang had seen and described. Kanchi was
famous along with Takshasila, Varanasi, Valabhl, Nalanda and other great centres
of learning. Patanjali, as early as the 2nd century B.C., gives the word Kanchlpuraka
to explain a derivation meaning ‘one associated and hailing from Kanchf. The
famous Talagunda inscription of the Kadarhba king Kakutsthavarman, in tracing the
origin of the Kadamba family, vividly describes how Mayurasarman, the founder
of this family, went to Kanchipuram along with his teacher, to give finishing touches
to his Vedic learning by studying the highest realms of thought in the field, possible
only in Kanchipuram, at that time, reputed for its famous university, Ghatika .
Patanjali, the highest intellectual of his time, naturally could only think of a rare
intellectual centre like Kanchi. We know from one of the famous historical sculp-
tures in the Vaikunthaperumal temple, narrating the sequence of Pallava history in
a series of panels, that, when the main line broke and a prince of the collateral line
was to be elected king, Hiranyavarman was requested to permit his son, Nandivar-
man, to be made the king. This request was made by the most prominent leaders of
the people themselves headed by the elders of the University of Kanchi, the Ghatika .
Hiuen-Tsang, the Chinese traveller that came to Kanchi early in the 7th century
A.D., has praised the city for its intellectual eminence and its love for learning. It
is no wonder, since the rulers like Mahendravarman were versatile, prolific in writing
and great patrons of art and literature. Buddhism and Jainism also flourished and
Jaina Kanchi is yet an important adjunct of Kanchi. Dharmapala, the great Bud-
dhist scholar at Nalanda, was from Kanchi.

There are two great temples that adorn Kanchi today as the most conspicuous,
the EkamreSvara and Varadaraja. There have been many innovations and additions
to these temples during the different periods of history. The smaller temples, but
aesthet ically the most valuable for the study of Pallava art and culture, the Kailasa-
nfltha, MatangeSvara, AiravateSvara, Vaikunthaperumal, have suffered no change or
tampering by additions. The Kamakshi temple, a great seat of Devi worship,
with extraordinary reputation as the seat of the grace of Devi extended to
the dumb poet Muka who composed the unforgettable honey-sweet verses in a
bunch of five hundred with a rare lilt and resonance, Muka~PanchasatJ , is another

x Foreword

of the famous shrines here. The only portrait of the greatest intellectual of India
for all time, Sankara, is the sculpture of his in a Pallava temple, Eravanesvara, as a
juvenile ascetic, seated reverentially beside Vyasa, who along with Jaimini, flanks
Dakshinamurti, the Lord of Learning.

Varadaraja, the form of the Lord who showed compassion to the elephant in
distress, Karivarada, is the most reputed Vishnu temple in KanchTpuram. Varada
was a favourite of successive kings and philosophers. Ranganatha at Srfrangam,
Varadaraja at Kanchl and Srinivasa at Tirupati are the three great deities ever
sought for succour by one and all in general and by the Sr! Vaishnavas in particular.
Venkatanatha, Vedanta Desika as he is better known, clearly says that his ancestral
property is the Lord in the c Elephant Hill’, Hastisaila— asti me hastisaildgre pitnpai -
tatraham dhanam Appayya Dikshita, the polymath philosopher of the 16th century
who wrote the c Sivdrkamanidipikd\ was so attached to Varada, that he would never
miss an opportunity to visit Kanchipuram to have his darsana. Infirmity, which
made it difficult for him to travel too often, made him build a temple for Varada,
along with that for Siva, Kalakantha, in his village Adayapalam, utilising the gold
with which he was bathed in a Kanakabhishek a by king Chinnabomma in apprecia-
tion of the Parimala , the commentary he wrote on Amalananda’s Kalpataru.

The beautiful mandapa of the Varadaraja temple with its spirited row of horses
prancing on the pillars and the monkey and the cat running after the pigeons on the
roofline are unforgettable gems of art.

This temple has long remained without a proper exposition of its treasures
both artistic and religious. I am glad that Dr. K.V. Raman has written an excellent
account of this famous temple discussing its history, epigraphy, ritual, religion,
philosophy and thought. He has chosen suitable illustrations to visually present its
importance. I have great pleasure in requesting the discerning scholarly world to
appreciate this very interesting monograph on a great temple.

National Museum
New Delhi
20.6.75

C. Sivaramamurti
Director

PREFACE

This book formed the subject matter of my dissertation for the Degree of the Doctor
of Philosophy of the University of Madras. I am thankful' to the University for
permitting me to publish the thesis.

I must acknowledge my gratitude to Dr. K.K. Pillay, formerly Professor of
Social Science, University of Madras, and now Director, Institute of Traditonal
Cultures, Madras, for his valuable suggestions and guidance in the preparation of
thet hesis. I thank the Chief Epigraphist, Archaeological Survey of India, Mysore,
for giving me access to the originals and transcripts of the inscriptions; the Superin-
tending Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India, Southern Circle, Madras
for lending me some of the photographs illustrated in the book; the Commissioner,
H.R.&C.E. (Adm.) Department for permitting me to prepare plans and drawings of
the buildings, besides giving me other facilities.

I am extremely grateful to Padmashri Shri C. Sivaramamurti, Director, National
Museum, New Delhi, for kindly going through the book and contributing his
valuable Foreword.

My hearty thanks to Shri Shakti Malik of Abhinav Publications, New Delhi,
for the interest and enthusiasm with which he has brought out this book; to my
father Shri K.V. Parthasarathi Iyengar for his constant encouragement and Shri
Murahari Rao for lending me the colour transparency of the cover page; to Sarvashri
R. Ramani, T. Elumaiai, A J. Nambiraju and K.P. Balakrishnan for all the help
they did during the preparation of the work.

K.V. RAMAN
Deputy Superintending Archaeologist
Archaeological Survey of India
Southern Circle, Madras

Madras
August 1975

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

1. A panoramic view of the temple

2. Anantasaras tank and the temple complex

3. Attan-Jiyar inscription

4. Punyakoti-vimana

5. Mandapa af Andal shrine

6. Anantalvar shrine

7. Perundevi Tayar shrine

8. Sculptured ceiling

9. Kalyana-mandapa with pillars

10. Western Gopura

1 1 . Eastern Gopura

12. Sculptured doorway of the Eastern Gopura

13. Lord Varadaraja with consorts

14. Ananta

15. Manavala Mahamuni

1 6. DaSaratha and his queens

17. Rama shooting the seven trees

1 8. Vali-Sugriva fight

1 9. Vlra-Hanuman

20. Krishna killing Bakasura

21. Vastrapaharana scene

22. Krishna as Govardhana-dhari

23. Kaliya-mardana scene

24. Varaha with Bhu-devi

25. Narasimha’s fight with Hiranya

26. Vishnu as Mohini

27. Vishnu as Adimurthi

28. Sarasvati inducing the Vegavati to flood Brahma’s yajna

29. Varadaraja coming out of fire

30. Tirumangai-alvar

3 1 . Tirukkachi*nambi

32. Sudarsana

33. Rati and Manmatha

34. Amorous couple

35. A jester

36. Royal Portraits

37. Raja Todarmal group

38. Paintings

39- Ground-Plan of the temple
40. Architectural details of shrines

CONTENTS

FOREWORD 1X

PREFACE xi

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xiii

CHAPTER I Location and Physical Features 1

II Political Background 11

III The Lay-out of the Temple and Sequence of

Construction 43

IV The Role of the Temple in the Growth of

ari-vaisnnavism 59

V PQjas and Festivals 95

VI Functionaries and History of Management 111

VII The Temple and Society 129

VIII Architecture 147

IX Iconography 1 53

X Painting and Other Arts 175

APPENDIX Index of Inscriptions 181

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 189

INDEX 195

ILLUSTRATIONS

CHAPTER I

LOCATION AND PHYSICAL FEATURES

Kanchipuram in Lat. 12°50' N, Long. 79°40' E is situated 72 kilometres (45
miles) from Madras City in a west-south-westerly direction. It is a town of consi-
derable size (8 kilometres long and 3 kilometres broad on the average) and is now
the headquarters of Kanchipuram taluk, which forms part of the Chingleput District
in Madras State. The town is not only large but also pretty, with its long and
broad roads, lined with closely built houses. The town is well connected to impor-
tant places on all sides by road or rail. The Grand Western Trunk Road coming
from Madras runs through it in the south-westerly direction, connecting it with other
historic towns like Arcot, Vellore, Bangalore and the well-known Vaishnavite centres
like Sriperumbudur, Tirumalisai and Pundamalli. On the north-east is the road
that connects it with Arakonam, from where the roads proceed to well-known places
like Tirupati and Nellore both in the Andhra region. On the south are the two
small roads cutting across the River Vegavati and going to places like Uttiramerur
and Madurantakam. On the eastern side a road runs along the northern bank of the
river connecting Kanchi with Chingleput (about 40 kilometres). Both Chingleput
and Madurantakam are on the Grand Southern Trunk Road leading to all major
towns of South India.

Some of these roads are doubtless laid on the older tracts which connected
Kanchi with the neighbouring territories. From early times, Kanchi was frequented
by men hailing from different parts of the country who had come here for study or
on pilgrimage or for political purposes. Kanchi was in touch with the region lying
on the west including the Karnataka and Goa. Even the Kadamba king Mayura
Sarman of the West Coast (Goa) region is said to have entered one of the ghatikds
at Kanchi as early as the 4th century A.D. 1 Subsequently, the Gangas had friendly
relations with the Pallavas of Kanchi. Still later in the 13th century the Hoysalas
came upto Kanchi. About the same time, the later Gangas of Kuvalpura or Kolar
(on the same road) have visited Kanchi and done many benefactions to the temple
there. This contact could have been possible by the presence of a highway which,
in all probability, was on the lines of the present Western Trunk Road.

The road on the north-east placed Kanchi within the reach of the highways
leading to the ancient kingdoms of Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas. The frequent
struggles between the Pallavas of Kanchi and the Chalukyas of Badami and the swift
movement of their armies to and fro are too well known. Yuan Chuang is also
said to have journeyed to Kanchi from the Chaluky an territory in the 7th century
A.D., and he has testified to the fact that the people of Kanchi were highly esteemed
for learning. Later on, in A.D. 960, the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III invaded

2 Sri VaradarSjaswami Temple— Kan chi

Kanchi from the north-west and a famous battle was fought at Takkolam, a place on
the road between Kanchi and Arkonam. The same road should have served the
later rulers like the Kakatiyas, the Telugu-Ch5das of Nellore and the Vijayanagar
army in their entry into Kanchi.

On the southern side, Kanchi is girdled by the River Palar and its branch, the
Vegavati. But the roads across the river-bed, traces of which are still seen, gave
access to places like Madurantakam on the high road to Tiruchirapalli, Thanjavur,
and other places in the south Tamil country. The Vaishnava literature of the 13th
century records that Ramanuja, while going to Srlrangam (near TiruchirapaJJi),
passed through Madurantakam on his way. This route connecting Kanchi and
Madurantakam is still there.

The road on the east, leading to Chingleput, should have been an important one
as it connected Kanchi, the capital, with its port-town, Mahabalipuram, about 53
kms. away. This seems to be confirmed by the presence of two rock-cut Pallava
caves on the road— one at Vallam and another at Tirukkalukunram.

In spite of many changes, the city of Kanchi preserves much of its ancient lay-
out with its unusually broad streets laid around the numerous old temples standing
as prominent landmarks of history. Many of the Pallava temples like the Kailasa-
natha, the Vaikuntaperumal, the Muktesvara and the Matangesvara, not to speak of
the numerous large temples of later days like the Ekamresvarar and Kamakshi Amman
temples, are still in good state of preservation. There are still many streets bearing
the older names such as the Rajavldhi or the king’s way.

The town of Kanchi has two principal divisions, the ‘Big Kanchi’ and the
‘Little Kanchi’, which are also called respectively the ‘Siva-Kanchi’ and ‘Vishnu-
Kanchi’. The former is the bigger division having the group of larger temples like
the Kailasanatha, Ekamresvarar, Kamakshi Amman and Vaikuntaperumal. The
‘Little Kanchi’ is on the eastern extremity of the town. It is a compact little village,
nucleating round the Sri Varadarajaswami temple. The temple- complex comprises of
a vast rectangular enclosure, occupying an area of about 20 acres in all, with two
imposing gateways or gopuras on the eastern and the western sides. There are the
madaridhis (main streets) on the four sides of the temple. The long and broad street,
opposite the western gateway, known as the sannidhi- street connects the temple with
the main road that leads to ‘Big Kanchi’ or ‘Siva Kanchi’.

Physical features

The land around Kanchi is flat and sloping towards the east. The general
level of the town is about 250 feet above the mean sea-level. The Palar river rises
from the hills of the Mysore country and after flowing through North Arcot enters
the Chingleput District a few miles west of Kanchipuram.

‘Little Kanchi’ is surrounded by extensive cultivable lands and coconut groves
on all sides. A view from the topmost storey of the western gopura gives a panora-
mic vista of the enchanting landscape which is a vast plain area, dotted with a
number of lakes and ponds, cultivated fields and coconut and other plantations
(Fig. 1) The River Vegavati, an arm of the Palar, flows by the southern side of the
temple and joins the River Palar at Tirumukkudal, about 10 miles south-east of
Kanchi The soil is somewhat clayey, derived from the decomposition of the felspar

Location and Physical Features 3

which abounds in granite and is very favourable for cultivation. There is no hill or
visible rocky outcrop in the vicinity and the nearest hill is the Sivaram hills, about
10 miles east of Kanchi. This hill which is of granite had possibly served as the
main quarry that supplied the stones for the construction of this temple. The well-
known Pallava temples of Kanchi like the Vaikuntaperumaj, Kailasanatha,
Mukt€svara, Matangesvara etc., are entirely made of sandstone available at Kanchi
and its vicinity as bed-rock. 2 The extant structures of Sri Varadarajaswami temple,
however, belong to a much later period and are built of granite stone, probably
transported from Palaya-Slvaram and the Malappattu hills. The dexterity achieved
in quarrying and working this hard-stone by the artisans of the Chola and the
Vijayanagar times is evident in the various shrines, mandapas and gopuras of this
temple. The temple-complex built of this hard material and in different periods
presents a picture of solidity and grace.

Place names and their origins

The name Vishnu-Kanchi is today applied to the immediate vicinity of this
temple and upto the Theradi, where the temple car is stationed. Included in this
locality would also be the temples of Tiruvehka or Yadoktakari and Ashtabhujam,
besides the Varadaraja temple. It is indeed curious that the majority of the ancient
Vishnu temples like Vaikun taper umal, Oragam, Padagam, Ulagalandaperumal,
Nilathingaltundam etc., which have received the encomium (mangaldsasanam) of the
Alvars, are in the so-called Siva-Kanchi. This shows that the appellations ‘Siva
Kanchi* and ‘Vishnu Kanchi’ are rather late in origin and the latter name has come
to be applied to this locality, after the Varadaraja temple became dominant there.
It is noteworthy in this connection that in none of the works of Ramanuja’s period
or in the Chola inscriptions, the term Vishnu-Kanchi appears. The name seems to
have gained currency only during the Vijayanagar times. One of the inscriptions of
Krishnadeva Raya in our temple is interesting in this connection. When he was
camping at Kanchi in A.D. 1516, he was met by the representatives of Varadaraja-
swami and Ekamresvarar temples, who had certain grievances about the routes to be
taken by their respective temple-chariots. On hearing this, Krishnadeva Raya fixed
the exact routes of procession for the deities of the two temples. 3 This record gives
us the impression that probably this was the beginning of the demarcation of the
Vishnu-Kanchi and Siva-Kanchi. Perhaps, this was the time when the smaller settle-
ment of Attiyur was expanded to its present size which includes the Tiruvehka
and Ashtabhujam temples. The earlier name by which the area around Varadaraja-
swami temple was known was Attiyur, or Tiruvattiyur. This name occurs in the
verses of Bhudattalvar and subsequent literature and inscriptions. Bhudattalvar, who
is considered to be one of the earliest of the twelve Alvars, or Vaishnava saints, calls
the deity of this temple simply but familiarly as ‘Attiyuran’, i.e., ‘the one from
Attiyur’. 4 After the time of the Alvar and because of his ‘ mangaldsasanam ’ or praise,
the place became doubly sacred to the Vaishnavas as one of the great divyadesas
(holy shrines), so that in the Vaishnava literature both of Ramanuja’s time and later,
the place is called ‘Tiruvattiyur’, the prefix ‘tiru’ meaning ‘sacred’. It is worthy of
note that the place is mentioned without reference to the parent city of Kanchi or
Kachi. 5 It was a common practice among the Vaishnava Alvars and the Saivite

4 Sri VaradarajaswUmi Temple— Kan chi

Nayanmars to club the name of a suburb with that of the better known jparent town
in their songs. For instance, both Tirumalisai Alvar and Tirumangai Alvar, while
referring to Tiruvallikeni, speak of it as ‘Mayilai-Tiruvallikeni, 6 because Mayilai or
Mylapur was better known as it was an important port-town on the east coast. But
here, on the other hand, Attiyur is mentioned by Bhudattalvar without reference to the
adjoining city of Kanchi. It may perhaps indicate that in the early days Attiyur was
an independent entity, distinctly separate from Kachi proper. Probably, the south-
easternmost limit of the older Kachi stopped short of the present temple of Tiruvehka
or Yadoktakari in early times, as attested by the Perumpanarrupadai 7 which is one of
the Sangam anthologies known as Pattupattu or Ten Idyls. This is evidently because
Attiyur at that time did not form part of the city of Kanchi Presumably, the out-
lying villages were brought into its widening fold to form the Greater Kanchi much
later.

It is interesting in this connection to note that one of the verses of the Tamil
work Yapparungalavritti , attributed to the 11th century A.D., compares Kanchi city to
a peacock, Attiyur to its head and the splendid groves to its plumage. 8 But an ins-
cription of Kulottunga I dated A.D. 1073 refers to this place simply as Tiruvattiyur
in Eyilnadu in Eyilkottam of Jayankondasolamandalam. 9 Again, an inscription of
Vikramachola dated A.D. 1127 refers to the place in the same manner (i.e., Eyikott -
attu Eyilnattu Tiruvattiyur). 10 The inscriptions of later times (13th century) mention
it as ‘Kanchipurattu Tiruvattiyur’, i.e., ‘Tiruvattiyur, part of Kanchipuram. 11 All
these would clearly show that Attiyur was a separate village for considerable time
and its integration with the Kanchi city was gradual.

Alvar’s references

The earliest reference to this temple is of course found in Bhudattalvar’s hymns.
He has devoted two beautiful verses in his Tiruvandadi to this deity and pours out
his heart to ‘one who resides at Attiyur’. 12

It is interesting to note that saint Bhudattalvar’s hymns containing the
references were popular at this temple even as early as A.D. 1129, for an
inscription of that date mentions the special offerings to ‘Bhudattalvar who
has sung the praise of the Lord of Tiruvattiyur on his birth asterism. 13 It is rather
strange that Alvars like Poigai, who was born in Kachi and Tirumalisai who spent
considerable time in the city (and particularly at Tiruvehka) have not referred to
the temple at Attiyur. Nor has it been sung by Tirumangai Alvar who has compo-
sed hymns on even the smaller temples at Kachi like Cragam, Padagam, Tiruvehka,
besides the ParamSSvara Vinnagaram. One of his verses, however, is taken by
some scholars to be a probable reference to Sri Varadaraja temple. 14 The verse
occurs in his hymn padikam on Paramesvara Vinnagaram (i.e., Vaikuntaperumal)
temple, wherein he describes Kachi as the place where resides ‘the great boon-giver
and the Lord of the blue colour ( varam tarum mdmani vannan idam Kachi ) But
here again, the reference is perhaps not specific to the deity of our temple but
only to the general attributes of Vishnu who resides at Paramesvara Vinnagaram
with which the Alvar is immediately concerned in this hymn. However, we find
Tirumangai Alvar’s description echoed by a Chola epigraph at Varadaraja temple
dated A.D. 1227 which calls the deity Varamtarum perumal , the Lord who bestows

Location and Physical Features 5

boons. 16 The same name occurs in an epigraph dated S 1373 (A.D. 145 1). 17 From
this, we can infer that there was a long and persistent tradition associating
Tirumangai Alvar’s verse with Lord Varadaraja of Kanchi.

Derivation of the village name Attiyur

There are a number of places in Tondaimandalam which are called after the
names of trees such as Marudur (after the Marudu tree), 18 Navalur (after the Naval
tree), 19 Panaiyur (aftei the Panai — palmyra tree), Kadambur (after the Kadamba
tree — Anthocephalus Cadamha ). 20 It may be pointed out here that in South India,
shrines were erected in places where certain trees were regarded as the abode of the
deity and worshipped as such; these trees were regarded later on as sthala vrikshas.
For example, the mango (amra) tree at Ekamresvarar temple at Kanchi and the
Jambu tree at Jambukesvaram and tillai forest of Chidambaram. Similarly, Attiyur
is said to be called after or formed under the Atti tree, Ficus Glomerata , commonly
found in this country particularly on the river-banks. There is a reference in the
sthala-purana that this place was once full of Atti trees. But, perhaps a better
reason for this association is that the image of the original deity is said to have been
made of the Atti tree, and hence called Atti-varadar. At least one old Sanskrit text
clearly mentions that the main deity of our temple was made of wood and was in a
standing posture. 21 As wood was subject to deterioration and weathering, the
wooden deity might have been successively changed until it was finally replaced at
one time by the present stone image. The wooden image of the deity that was last
in the sanctum is now preserved in a small mandapa built in the interior

of the large tank (anantasaras) within the outermost prakara of the temple. The
image is made of atti wood and called Atti-varadar or Adi-Atti-varadar. It
is said to have been displaced sometime in the 15th century A.D. Once in 40 years,
the image is taken out and a special offering called mandala-arddanai is conducted here.

The association of the atti or udumbara tree with the main deity of this temple
is significant. It has been prescribed in many of the Silpa and Agama texts as the
most suitable for making images P Indeed, even the later texts prescribe wood as
the first material for making the principal images and then only the others, like
mortar (kadi-sarkara) or painting ( chitra ) and metal and lastly stone. In many
of the ancient temples the principal images of deities are still wood or
stucco. For instance, at Tirukkoilur (South Arcot District), the huge image of
Trivikrama is still of wood. At Kanchi itself the mulavar (primary) deities of the
ancient temples of Tiruvehka, Ulagalandaperumal and Padagam are still in stucco.
This clearly shows that installation of images in wood or stucco was the earlier
practice, which was also followed in our temple. 23

The atti or udumbara wood is of special importance to the Vaishnavites, as,
of all the trees, it is viewed as a manifestation of Lord Vishnu himself. The Vishnu
sahasranama includes Udumbara 1 among the thousand names of Vishnu. 24

The special preference of the udumbara tree for Vishnu image was in vogue in
the third or fourth century A.D., as attested by an inscription discovered at Nagar-
junakonda which refers to the consecration of Ashtabhujaswami (eight-armed Vishnu)
made of udumbara wood. 25 It is indeed remarkable that this early practice was
followed in Sri Varadarajaswami temple also.

6 Sri Varadarajaswdmi Temple — Kanchi

We do not know when exactly the original wooden deity of Atti-varadar was
replaced by the present sculpture. The original wooden image seems to have been
replaced by the present one sometime during the 15th century A.D. An epigraph
dated S 1409 (A.D. 1487) seems to confirm this. It refers to the reconsecration
of the images of Lord Varadaraja and Perundevi Tayar in the temple. The money
for the expenses for the consecration ceremony was contributed by Virupaksha-
dannayaka, a chief officer under the Vijayanagar king Narasinga Raya. 26 From
other inscriptions we know that Alagia-manavala Jiyar was the Koil-kelvi of the
temple at that time. 27 The reconsecration was probably done in connection with
the installation of the present mulavar-im&gt in the place of the older wooden one.

Derivation of Hastigiri

The other name by which the place is popularly called in the Vaishnavite
literature is Hastigiri or Hastisaila, elephant-hill, said to have been derived from the
Sanskrit word hastin or elephant. 28 A great peculiarity of the temple is that the
main shrine of Varadaraja is not on the ground level; but is placed on the top of a
square platform raised to a height of 10 metres. This high platform is believed to
represent a hillock, locally designated as the ‘Hastigiri’, the ‘elephant-hill 5 or simply
as a ‘malai 5 or hill. The hillock on which the temple is supposed to stand was,
according to the sthala-purana of the temple, the abode of the divine elephant — ■
Gajendra, whom the Lord Varadaraja saved from the clutches of a crocodile. 29 This
association is at least as old as the 11 century A.D. because Kurathalvar, a contem-
porary and disciple of Ramanuja, calls the deity as ‘Karigirisa 5 i.e , Lord of the
elephant-hill or ‘Hasti Bhushana 5 , the ornament of the elephant-hill. 30 An 11th
century stone record mentions the place as Hastipura. Vedanta Desika (13th- 14th
century) also calls the place Hastigiri, Karigiri in Sanskrit and Velamalai and
Nagamalai in Tamil ZL A late inscription refers to the deity as Gajendragirinatha i.e.,
‘the God who resides on the elephant-hill 5 . 32 An inscription of 22nd year of
Gandagopala (circa A.D. 1272) calls the deity of the temple as Dviradachalanatha ,
the God of the elephant mountain, 33

The Tamil form of Hastigiri viz., Attigiri was also frequently used in Tamil
poems of Vedanta DSsika and the inscriptions. ‘Attigiri Arulalar 5 is a very familiar
name used in the epigraphs and literature alike.

Thus, the etymology of place-name has had a chequered evolution. The simple
Tamil name of Attiyur, glorified by the Alvar, had to undergo a painful course of
Sanskritisation to become Hastipura and then Hastigiri and then the latter was again
tried to be Tamilised as Attigiri l Curiously, the latter word is a hybrid, neither
purely Sanskrit nor Tamil. Atti is Tamil but giri, meaning hill, is Sanskrit; when the
word Hastigiri attained popularity in the Vaishnavite literature, the legendary
story of the elephant was probably tagged on to it because Hasti in Sanskrit means
elephant. This legend has attained currency so much that the significance of the
original Tamil word, Attiyur, was lost.

This is of course not peculiar to Attiyur alone. Several places in Tamilnad
had almost lost their original Tamil names as the Sanskritised names obtained greater
currency. To cite only two examples, Kanchipurm was known to the early Tamil
literature only as Kachi and Kachipedu. But now the Sanskrit form, namely,

Location and Physical Features 7

Kaiichipurm has come to stay.

Similarly, the original Tamil word Mallai which later became Mamallapuram
was Sanskritised to Mahabalipuram and then the legend of king Mahabali was later
on dovetailed into it in a most artificial manner. From Attiyiir to Hastigiri, a similar
metamorphosis has occurred.

Peramal-koil and Tyaga-mandapa

Two more names of the places are also found in the Yaishnavite literature.
One of them is in the usage among the Sri-Vaishnavas while the other is not so well-
known but found occurring in their literature of the 13th and 14th centuries A.D.
The former is Perumal-koil and the latter is Tyaga-mandapa . Three most important
places for the Sri-Vaishnavites are Srirangam, Tirumalai and Kanchi which are
referred to by them as Koil, Tirumalai and Perumal-koil respectively. The name
Perumal-koil for referring to the Kanchi temple gained currency evidently after
Ramanuja’s association with these three temples. The other name, Tyaga-mandapa ,
occurs in the Guruparampara of Pinbalagia Perumal Jiyar (13th century A.D.) and
the Acharya-Hridayam of Alagia-manavala Nainar (14th century). 34 Hastigiri is
referred to as Tyaga-mandapa , while Srirangam and Tirumalai are referred to as
Bhoga-mandapa and Pushpa-mandapa respectively. The exact import of the names
is not clear, but the name Tyaga-mandapa seems to signify the bountiful grace of
the Lord. Tyciga means sacrifice or £ to give up’ and Lord Varadaraja as the king
among boon-bestowers gives up everything for his devotee. Hence, the name Tyaga-
mandapa .

The names of the main deties

The same trend of Sanskrit words gaining greater currency is noticeable in
the case of the names of the presiding deities as well. In all the early records
belonging to the Chola times, the presiding deity was popularly known as Tiruvatti-
yur-Alvar or Attiyur-Alvar 35 or Tiruvattiyurninraruliaperumal 36 — all meaning the
Lord who presides over Tiruvattiyur. This was in keeping with the practice of the
times. We can find similar references to the presiding deities of various other well-
known places. Lord Varaha, the presiding deity of Tiruvida-endai, was known in
inscriptions as Tirunda-entai-K\vzx , 37 the Lord at Tiruppadagam in Kanchi, who is
now called Pandava-Thuthar, was called Tiruppadagattu-alvar. 38 Such instances
can be multiplied. But these clearly show that the presiding deities were named in
relation to their locality for which invariably the Tamil names used by the Alvars
were in common usage. Sanskrit names, though known, did not obtain wide
currency. To give one more example, the reclining Vishnu at Tiruvehka at Kanchi
was known to the Alvars as Sonnavannam-Seida-PerumaJ and is referred to as such
in the lithic records. 39 But now the deity is more familiarly known by the Sanskrit
equivalent Yadoktakdri. Likewise, the name Attiyiir an, used by Bhudattalvar first,
was subsequently popularly used in the Chola days and hence, the name Attiyur-alvdr.
But this name gradually disappears in later records, especially in the Vijayanagar
times.

The other popular Tamil names of the deity which are used in the early as
well as later records are Arulalapperumal and Pgrarulalar. 40 These terms, it is impor-

8 Sri Varadarajaswami Tempi e—Kanchi

tanl to note, are frequently used in the hymns of the Alvars to describe Vishnu and
His bountiful grace. 41 And , meaning grace or boon and arulalar means the' source of
all grace’ or the bestower of grace. Another Tamil name conveying the same idea
and which is mentioned in the inscriptions is varam-tarumperumal , the Lord who
bestows boons. 42 The Sanskrit equivalent of this name 4 varada ' or 4 Varadaraja ’
meaning the king among boon-bestowers is used by the Sanskrit literature of Rama-
nuja’s time like Kurattalvar’s Varadardjastavam. Another familiar Sanskrit name
by which he was known was Devaraja — the king of Gods. This name occurs in
Tirukkachinambi’s work — Devardjastagam. The Tamil equivalents of this used in the
later inscriptions are : Devapperumal or Thepperumal. 43 The last two names, as well
as Varadaraja, are very popular now and the original names Attiyur-Alvar or
Arulalapperumal are hardly known to the common people, though the knowledgeable
Srivaishnavites know about this. In the Kannada inscription of the Hoysalas, the
deity is mentioned as Allalanatha, a Kannada form of the name Arulalanatha. 44
A few later epigraphs refer to the Lord as Srl-Kanchipurattu-perumal , the Lord of
Kahchi. 45 This shows the great popularity attained by the temple.

The chief consort of Lord Varadaraja for whom there is a separate shrine
within the temple is known by the name Perundevi Tayar. The term Tayar in Tamil
means 'mother’ and is popularly used by the Vaishnavas to denote Sri or
Lakshmi. The Saivites use the word c amman\ also meaning mother to denote the
consort of Siva. An inscription dated A.D. 1268 mentions the Tayar by the Tamil
form Periapirattiydr and another dated A.D. 1487 as Perundeviyar, 46 both meaning
the 'great or chief consort’ of Vishnu. The word piratti (feminine of piran) is a word
often used in the Alvar’s hymns and the Vaishnavite commentaries for Vishnu’s
consorts. The terms like Sita-piratti and Nappinnai- piratti referring respectively to
Slta and Nappinnai are well known.

To sum up the foregoing discussion, we find that the ancient name of the place
where Sri Varadarajaswami temple was situated, was known as Attiyur or Tiruvatti-
yur as found in the hymns of Bhudattalvar and the earlier Chola inscriptions of the
temple. The name Vishnu-Kanchi was applied to the locality when it was made a
bigger unit sometime during the 16th century A.D. The name Attiyur perhaps
owed its origin to the Atti or udumbara tree which formed the nucleus of the temple
and the village. The older principal deity of the temple was also of Atti {udumbara)
wood. It was replaced sometime in the late 15th century. Attiyur was Sanskritised
into Hastipura and Hastigiri, by which name it is familiar to the Sanskrit works.
Since Hasti means an elephant in Sanskrit, the elephant-aspect was dovetailed into
it in the Sthalapurana of the temple. The central elevated enclosure in which the
main sanctum is placed came to be likened to a hill and it was designated as Hasti-
giri or elephant-hill. This name occurs in the works of Kurattalvar and Tirukkachi
Nambi, contemporaries of Ramanuja. Probably, in the earlier days, Attiyur was an
independent village as it is mentioned in the inscriptions of the 11th century
without any relation to Kahchi city. But in the later records, it is specifically
mentioned as forming part of Kahchi city {Kdhchi-nagarattu- Tiruvattiyur ) .

In the early stone-records in Tamil, the presiding deity is called Attiyur-aivar.
The other Tamil names used for the deity are Arulalapperumal or Pgrarulalar. But
sinc&Jthe days of Ramanuja, the names like Varadaraja, Devaraja, Hastigirinatha

Location and Physical Features 9

etc., became more popular. The Tamil forms of the latter in DevapperumaJ and
Tepperumal are also currently popular now. The chief consort of Lord Varadaraja
is known as Perundevi Tayar or Peria-piratti, both of which occur in inscriptions of
the 13th century A.D.

Before we end the chapter, we will briefly review the legends that have grown
round the temple. As is usual with the many other temples, the Sthalapurdna of the
temple purports to tell its hoary origin in its own artificial but ingenuous manner
known as the Hastigiri-mahatmiyam, it is in the form of a dialogue between two
sages Brighu and Narada. According to it, the temple was the place chosen by
Brahma to do his yajna and out of it emerged Vishnu in the form of Lord Varada-
raja, in the Punyakoti-vimana. Brahma requested him to permanently remain in the
spot to bless His devotees for all time to come. The legend also relates the story of
Gajendra-moksha and connects the temple with the legend.

Sri Vedanta Desika (circa A.D. 1269 to 1370) retold the pur ante story in his own
elaborate and inimitable style in his well-known work Satyavrta-Mahatmiyam or the
Meivrata-manmiyam. This will go to show that the legend in its full-fledged form
was already current in his time. The occurrence of names like Hastigiri or Karigiri
(elephant-hill) in the Sanskrit work Varadarajastavam by Kurattalvar may suggest
that the nucleus of the legend was current during his time (11th century A.D.).

It is almost futile to dissect the Sthalapurdna with the weapons of historical
criticism. It is typical of the Indian way of recording the history of a hoary institu-
tion like temples by investing them with a divine origin and connecting them with
the Gods like Brahma and sages like Brighu, Narada etc. These types of stories are
repeated in the sthalapurdna of many a temple in the same monotonous pattern.
Their aim was to appeal to faith and not reason. Nevertheless, it cannot be gain-
said that these legends were quite popular with the devotees through the ages.
These legends have provided the theme for many devotional poems on the temple,
like Vedanta Desika’s work already cited, Manavala Mahamuni’s Devaraja-mangalam,
Appayya Dlkshitar’s Varadarajastavam etc. The legends have inspired a few festi-
vals that are introduced in the temple and quite a few sculptural compositions found
in the Kalyana-mandapa of the temple (see Chapter IX).

NOTES

1. Ep. Ind. VIII, p. 34.

2. K.R. Srmivasan, Pallava Architecture , An-
cient India (New Delhi), Vol. 14.

3. 644 of 1919.

4. Iyarpa II Tiruvandadi, verses 95 and 96.

5. Ramanuja Nujrandadi, verse 3 1 .

6. Nanmugan Tiruvandadi , verse 35.

Peria Tirumoli, II Teo, (iii) Tirumoh.

1. Per ump anarjupada i , verses 2 to 425.

See Pattupattu, Ed. By U.V. Swaminatha
Iyer (Madras, 1950), pp. 203-205.

8. Yapp. 93; M. Raghava Iyengar, Araichi
Tokudi , Madras, 1964, p. 225.

9. S.II. IV, No. 862 (49 to 1893).

10. 436 of 1919.

11, SJJ. IV, No. 859, 860,

12. Op. cit. V, 96.

13. S.IJ. Vol. Ill, No. 80; iC Tiruvattiyur
Alvarai Padiarulina Sri Bhudattalvar ” — The
editor has wrongly read that Poigai £lvar
has also sung about this temple and identi-
fies Vehka with this temple. It is well
known that Vehka or Tiruvehka refers to
Yadoktakari temple of Kanchi and not to
the Varadaraja temple.

14. P.B. Annangaracharya : Divya Prabhanda
Divyaitha Dipikai, Madras, 1927, p. 327.

15. Peria Tirumoli , II Ten, 9th padikam,

16. 598 of 1919/

17. 645 of 1919.

18. Termwalia Tomentosa.

19. Black plum or Eugenia arnottiana.

10 Sri Varadara. jaswami Temple — Kdnchi

20. R.P. Sethu Pillai, Drum Perum (1946), p.
12 ff.

21. A chapter of 160 Sanskrit verses interpola-
ted m the”ancient Panchardlra-agama text of
Jaydkya-samhita. Edited by Embar Krishna-
machariar, 1931, Baroda. Also see K.V.
Soundara Rajan, Kausthubha-prdsada New
Light on Jayakya T antra, in J.O.R. XVH,
No. I.

22. T.A.G. Rao : Hindu Iconography , Vol. I,
Pt. I, pp. 48-49.

23. K.R. Snnivasan : Some aspects of religion
as revealed by early monuments and litera-
ture of the south , J.M.U. XXXII.

24. Nyagrodo- Udumbarosvastaha SanUranda Nish-
udanah (v. 88).

25. Indian Archaeology — A Review , 1958-59, p. 8.

26. SLTJ. I, 348, 648 of 1919.

27. See Chapter Y for further details about the
Jiyar.

28. M.E.R. 1893, p. 6.

29. Vide Chapter II below for further details.
See Chapter IX also for the significance of
iconographic concept of Varadaraja or
Gajendra-varada.

30. Varadarajastavam , verses 17 and 81.

31. Meivrta Manmiyam, verses 20 and 25.
Adaikkalapathu , verse 3.

32. 45 of 1893; S.LI. IV, 859.

33. 41 of 1893; Dvirada means elephant —
M.E.R. 1893, p. 6.

34. Acharya-Hr idayam , sutra 84, published with
commentary by B.M, Purushottama Naidu,
Madras, 1965, pp. 192-193.

35. 519 of 1919 (AD. 1050).

36. S.LL IV, 358 and S.I.TJ. I, 404.

37. 260 and 261 of 1910.

38. S.I.TJ., I, No. 435.

39. 561 of 1919 and also S.I T.U I, P- 423.

40. 406, 348, 622, 431, 375 etc. of 1919.

41. Vinaiolithamarar Peruvisumbu aru umlperaru -
Idlan ( Peria Tirumoli 1-4-4).

Also Peria Tirumoli 4-3-1, 9-2-7, 9-5-4.

42 598 of 1919.

43. S.I.TJ, I, No. 354, pp. 327-328 and 398 of
1919.

44. Ep. Car.

45. S.I.T.I., I, 359.

46. S.LI, IV, No. 852.

CHAPTER II

POLITICAL BACKGROUND

The three hundred and fifty inscriptions found in the Varadarajaswami temple
contain many interesting details regarding the political vicissitudes through which the
Attiyur village or indeed the city of Kanchi had passed. From them, we know that
Kanchi city had continuously played a dominant role in the history of Tamilnad and
that its possession was coveted by successive dynasties of kings, with varying degrees
of success. Thus, epigraphs belonging to the dynasties like the Chola, the Pandya,
the Hoysala, the Kakatiya, the Vijayanagar, besides the various smaller dynasties
like the Telugu-Chodas, the Kadavarayas and the Sambuvarayas clearly indicate the
eventful variations in the political fortunes of Attiyur and Kanchi. There are also a
few epigraphs of the post- Vijayanagar period, many of which do not mention the
reigning dynasty, probably because the political pendulum was swinging too fast.
One of them, however, belongs to the Nawab of the Carnatic under whose control
came the Kanchi area in the beginning of the 18th century.

This chapter explains the political implications of these epigraphs against the
general background of the history of Kanchi and South India as a whole. These
epigraphs can indeed be said to epitomise the history of the Tondaimandalam region
of which Kanchi was the most important city and, for some considerable time, the
capital. Apart from the light that these inscriptions throw on the broad political
developments that were taking place, they are of considerable value as they introduce
to us many little-known nobles, chieftains or officers and their activities. Very
often, these local leaders had considerable power and influence and extended patron-
age to the religious institutions and the men of letters. Several kings, queens and
princes have paid their homage to Kanchi and to the shrine of Perarujala in the
midst of wars and battles. It is a remarkable fact that this great temple had with-
stood several stormy political upheavals and come down to us almost unscathed by
any of them. The reason obviously is that even though several dynasties were
fighting with one another to have a hold over the Kanchi city, they all had equal
veneration for the established religious institutions. That is why we find every
new conqueror or the victor making new grants and donations to this temple. All
these will be noticed in greater detail in the sequel.

The inscriptional evidences are quite substantial upto the end of the Vijayanagar
empire. Subsequent to that period, we have only a few stray epigraphs, the latest
dated A.D. 1723. Except the latter epigraph, the post-Vijayanagar inscriptions,
as a rule, omit to mention the ruling king and dynasty. This glaring departure
from their normal practice of mentioning the ruling king is probably indicative of
the political uncertainty that prevailed in South India or the Carnatic region as the

12 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple — Kanchi

major portion of it came to be called later, consequent on the collapse of the Vijaya-
nagar empire. Kanchi city also lost its former political importance. Even during
the reign of Sriranga III, it was only a part of the governorship of Pundamalli, under
the control of a minor chief— Damarla Venkatappa. In the latter half of 17th century,
the Kanchi area passed under the control of the Golkonda power and later of the
Nawabs of the Carnatic under the general control of the Mughal Empire. In the
same period, the town was occupied by the Mahratta forces under Sivaji for a brief
period. In the 18th century, during the Carnatic wars, it was the scene of many a
battle between the French and the English between whom it changed hands in quick
succession. By 1761, the French ceased to be a political power in the Carnatic and
the English were in charge of a considerable portion of the present Chingleput
District including Kanchi and its neighbourhood. From then on, except for a few
years when Hyder Ali invaded Kanchi, the latter place remained under the de facto
control of the English East India Company at Madras In 1801, the English formally
took over the administration of the Carnatic from the Nawab who was pensioned
off. Sri Varadarajaswami Temple was undoubtedly in existence during the Pallava
times, as attested by the hymns of Bhudattalvar. But neither the inscription nor
the architectural vestiges of that period have come down to us except the two lion-
pillars in sandstone that are to be found on the tank-bund and in the Sudarsana
shrine. In the last quarter of the 9th century, the Cholas under the dynamic leader-
ship of Aditya I decisively defeated the Pallavas and the Pandyas and established
their sway over Tondaimandalam and the Kaveri basin. Aditya’s hold over here is
well attested by his inscriptions found at Kanchi, Takkolam, Tirukkalukunram and
other places. The rise of the Chola power to an imperial position and its conflicts
first with the Rashtrakutas and later with their successors, form the dominant featu-
res of the history of South India for next 350 years — from 850 to 1200 A.D. Under
the two brilliant monarchs, Rajaraja the Great and his son Rajendra I (A.D.
1012-1044), the Chola dominion became extensive including the whole of the modem
states of Tamilnad (or Madras), Andhra and Kerala, parts of Mysore and the island
of Ceylon. One important fact to be noted is that in Rajaraja’s reign Tondaimanda-
lam came to be called Jayamgonda Solaman^alam — after Rajaraja’s own title.
Kanchi, by virtue of its strategic position, was considered an important city. It was
a base and perhaps a secondary capital for the Cholas on their northward expansion.
When the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III made a brief incursion into the Tamil coun-
try in A.D. 949, he boasted that he had captured Kanchi and Thanjavur (Kachchiyum
Thanjaiyum konda ). 2 From an epigraph of Uttama Choja, we know that there was a
palace with a chitramandapa at Kanchi, where probably the durbars were held. 3
Sundara Chola, while directing his northern campaign, is said to have died in 973 in
his golden palace at Kanchi. 4 Similarly, Rajendra I stayed at Kanchipuram before
he set out on a march against the Ratta country. 5 The palace and a mandapa pro-
bably continued to be there at Kanchi for some considerable time for we again hear
of itm connection with the Kalmga War during the time of Kulottunga I. 6

Rajadhiraja I

Rajendra I was succeeded by Rajadhiraja I (A.D. 1018-1054). His inscription
dated 32nd year (A.D. 1050) is found on the right wall inside the Narasimha shrine

Political Background 13

in the Varadarajaswami temple at Kanchi. 7 It begins with his prasasti ‘Tingalartaru * .
Rajadhiraja was a great warrior, who personally led the Chola army against the
Western Chalukyas under Somesvara I and inflicted a heavy blow on them in the
battle of Koppam in 1052. But unfortunately, he fell fighting on the battle-field.
Rajadhiraja’s son Rajendra II crowned himself king on the very battle-field of
Koppam, where he distinguished himself by his bravery and is said to have marched
to Kolhapur to erect a pillar of victory there. He scored yet another victory over
the Western Chalukyas at Kudal-Sangamam at the junction of the Tunga and Bhadra
in Mysore country. As Rajendra’s immediate brother Rajamahendra, who was
chosen heir-apparent in 1059, died prematurely, his younger brother Virarajendra I
succeeded to the Chola throne. He ruled from A.D. 1063 to 1069. During his time, the
Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya and his brother Jayasimha planned to invade
the Chola country; but Jayakesi, the Kadamba king of Goa, is said to have mediated
and brought about peace between the Chola and Chalukya at Kanchipuram. The
Chola also gave his daughter in marriage to Vikramaditya. Vlrarajendra’s another
daughter was given in marriage to the Ganga prince of Kalinga named Rajaraja.

Kulottunga I (1070-1120)

Virarajendra was succeeded by his son Adhirajendra who ruled from 1067 to
1070 with his father, and only for a few weeks, as sole monarch. After him the
Choja throne passed on to Kulottunga I, who did not belong to the direct line of
the Cholas; but he was an Eastern Chalukya prince who had married the daughter
of the Chola king Rajendra II. He succeeded in occupying the coveted Chola throne,
despite the attempts of Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI to prevent a union of the
Vengi and the Chola power in the same hands. During his reign the Chola empire
became somewhat depleted in extent, for Ceylon which was part of the Chola
empire till his time asserted its independence; Gangavadi and Vengi also slipped
out of the Cho]a hands — the former to the Hoysala Vishnuvardhana (A.D. 1111-1141)
and the latter to the Western Chalukyas. But Kulottunga I exhibited the strength
of the Chola power by undertaking two successful raids on the Kalinga territory in
in 1096 and 1110 AD. The second expedition is more famous, for it has
been immortalised by a Jayangondar, a contemporary Tamil poet, in his famous work
Kalin gat tupparani. The Chola army was led by Karunakara Tondaiman, a scion
of the old Pallava family, who now served under the Cholas. The parani has it that
when Kulottunga held a durbar in his palace at Kanchipuram it was reported to
him that the Kalinga king Anantavarman was in default of his annual tribute which
caused the expedition. 9

It is indeed interesting to note that an epigraph dated 43rd year of Kulottunga I
in our temple mentions Karunakara Tondaiman and his wife Ajagiyamanavalini-
mandaiyajvar. He is said to have belonged to Vandalanjeri in TirumaraiyHr nadu
in Kuldttunga Chola Vajanadu. His wife donated a lamp to the temple. 10
AlagiyamanavaHni is the name of the consort of Lord Ranganatha of Srirangam
and the adoption of this name and her gift to this Vishnu temple at Kanchi may
show us that she was a devotee of Vishnu. 11

Even though this expedition resulted in the defeat of the king of North Kalinga,
and brought large booty for the Cholas, it did not result in any permanent occupation

14 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple— KdHchi

of Kalinga.

Five inscriptions of Kulottunga I are found in the Varadarajaswami temple —
dated from his 3rd year to 45th year. 12 The former is found engraved on the left
wall of the gopura in front of the Narasimha shrine. It begins with his famous
prasasti— c Tirumamiivalangu\ which he used in his early records. The later epigraphs
are found on the gopura-wall in front of the Abhisheka-mandapa. His epigraphs
are also found in the other temples of Kahchi and its neighbourhood like Pandava-
perumal temple, Tiruvanekatankapadam temple and Ulagalandaperumal temple. 13
The epigraph in the last mentioned temple informs us that Kulottunga I visited
this temple in his 40th year along with his two wives Tribhuvanamudaiyal and
Solakulavalli. They made donations to that Vishnu temple on the occasion. 14
The epigraph dated 45th year in our temple records a grant of money at the early
morning service by Vangamulyur Udaiyan Araiyan Mummudi-Solan alias Anukkap-
pallavaraiyan of Manninadu in Solamandalam. 15 His titles show that he should
have been an official of importance. The epithets Pallavaraiyan and Mummudi-Solan
are significant. We have one Irayiravan Pallavaraiyan alias Mummudi-Solappan,
a high official of Perundanam rank in the time of Rajaraja I, who had mummudi as
one of his titles. It is possible that the official of the Kahchi record was a
descendant or a relative of the official mentioned in the Tanjore record. 16

Another famous general of Kulottunga I was Naralokavlra, who did substantial
service to the Varadaraja temple. He was a highly respected official who had a
large fief at Manavil in North Arcot District, which he perhaps obtained as a
reward for his distinguished services in the southern campaigns of Kulottunga
I. 17 His various military exploits on behalf of the Chola king in the Pandyan,
Vengi and Orissa countries are borne out by a number of inscriptions found at
Chidambaram and Tiruvadi (in South Arcot) and in the Pandyan country and
also the Vikramasolan-ula , a Tamil poem composed by Ottakkuttan. 18 He had
many colourful titles such as Kalingar-kon (chief of Kalingas), Arulakara,
Ponnambalakkuttan, Tondaiman etc. He did meritorious religious and charitable
works such as the construction of the hundred-pillared mandapa , the laying out of
a garden, and fixing of street lights (vidhi-dipa) at the famous Siva temple at Chidam-
baram; construction of a hundred -pillared mandapa , a dancing hall and other
structures at Tiruvadi. Similarly, his patronage extended to Varadarajaswami
temple also. A long Sanskrit record of the temple which bears no date records the
construction by Naralokavlra of the kitchen-room, a mandapa and the high prakara
walls and the setting up of the recumbent image of Hari. He made a gift of gold
pinnacle to this new shrine and made endowment for the perpetual lamps and a
flower-garden. It is a record couched in beautiful poetic language. Naralokavlra
continued to serve Vikrama Chola, the son and successor of Kulottunga I.

Vikrama Chola (A.D. 1118-1135)

After Kulottunga I, came Vikrama Chola (A.D. 1118-1135), Kulottunga II
(1133-1150) and Rajaraja II (1146-1173), whose inscriptions are found in this
temple. The reign of these kings, except that of the first one, was characterised by
general peace. Vikrama Chola’s reign witnessed expeditions to recover Vengi and
Gangavadi which the Cholas had lost in the time of Kulottunga I. Vikrama Chola,

Political Background IS

as a prince, is said to have participated in theKalinga expedition, led by Karunakara
Tondaman. He is said to have joined it at Kanchi. His epigraphs, seven in
number and ranging from his 8th to 17th regnal years, are found on the south and
north walls of the "Rock 5 , inside the Narasimha shrine and another at the small
shrine of Kariamanikkavaradar shrine. 19 The latter epigraph records that king
Vikrama Chola set up the image in the temple and made a gift of land as devadana
for its daily worship. The image is mentioned as Vikrama-ChoIa-Vinnagar-alvar.
Though a Saivite, he was liberal to Vishnu temples. His services to the Vishnu
(Ranganatha) temple, Srirangam, like the construction of the fifth/? rakara and other
structures are recorded in the Srirangam Koil-olugn.

Kulottunga II (A.D. 1133-1150)

Vikrama Choja’s son and successor Kulottunga II is represented m our temple
by only one epigraph found on the south wall of the ‘Rock’. 20 It is an undated
epigraph; but the use of the prasasti Pumannu padumam may show that it belonged
to the first decade of his reign i.e., sometime before A.D. 1143. The reign of
Kulottunga was marked by peace and prosperity and literary activities. The extent
of the empire was well-maintained. Some scholars have held that Krimikanta
Chola, mentioned in the Vaishnava guruparamparai as the persecutor of Ramanuja,
was Kulottunga II. 21

Rajaraja II

The successor of Kulottunga II on the Chola throne was Rajaraja II whose regnal
years are counted from about A.D. 1146. He is represented in our collection by two
inscriptions dated in his third and fourth regnal years. 22 The former epigraph begins
with his prasasti ( pu mariviya tirumddum ’ — which gives a high-flown account of the
benefits of his rule. The major part of Rajaraja’s reign was peaceful; but the closing
years witnessed the outbreak of a fierce civil war in the Pandyan kingdom which
dragged the Chola and the Sinhalese power on opposite sides. The succession
dispute dragged on till about A.D. 1177, the ultimate result being dreadful to both
the Chola and the Sinhalese powers for ‘out of the ashes of the civil war arose the
Pandya power which in its renewed strength soon swallowed up both the kingdoms
which espoused the rival causes of the Protagonists in the civil war'. 23

Rajadhiraja II

He succeeded Rajaraja II and ruled from about A.D. 1163 to 1179. He conti-
nued the Chola policy of intervention in the Pandyan affairs, successfully drove back
the Sinhalese and placed V!ra Pandya on the Pandyan throne as against Kulaselchara
who was found guilty of treachery towards the Chola power. Under him, the extent of
the Chola empire continued to be the same as under Rajaraja II. His inscriptions
are found in many places in Tondaimandalam and even at Nellore in the Andhra
State. His inscription dated 14th year is found engraved on the north wall of the third
prakdra . 24 It mentions the gift by a Ganga chief named Ghatti-nulamba Bhujabala-
vira Ahomallarasa. He is described as Mahamandalika of Gangamandala. As
pointed out by Prof. Nilakanta Sastri, this may show that even a part of the Ganga
country was included in the Chola empire and that he was a feudatory of Rajadhi-

16 Sn Varadarafaswami Temple — Kafichi

raja II, In the reign of the latter’s successor Kulottunga in, another Ganga
chieftain did service to the temple.

Kulottunga III (A.D. 1178-1216)

He has been called the last great Chdla king to enjoy the benefits of an exten-
sive empire. His was a troublesome period for the Chola empire came to be
incessantly threatened by disruptive forces from within and the ambitious and newly
rising powers from outside. Even though Kulottunga III in the early years of his
reign actively interfered with the Pandyan civil war and put his own candidate,
Vikrama Pandya, on the throne and later still, could penetrate as far south as Ceylon,
his last years saw the invasion of his dominion by Maravarman Sundara Pandya,
the first of a series of powerful Pandyas, who retrieved their kingdom from the
civil wars and made it the most dominant power in South India in the first half of
the 1 3th century. The victorious march of the Pandyan forces right upto the heart of
the Chola kingdom exposed the vulnerability of the Chola power. The Chola monarch
sought refuge m flight but later on, restored to the throne after some negotiations
and thanks, in a way, to the intervention of the Hoysaja king Viranarasimha. Added
to this challenge posed by the rapidly rising Pandyan power was the recalcitrant
spirit of the numerous feudatories like the Telugu-Chodas, the Kadavarayas and
the Sambuvarayas who were preparing to break off from the Chola yoke and assume
their independence. For a brief period, during his reign, the Telugu-Chodas who
were his vassals tried to declare their independent rule over Kanchi which necessita-
ted Kulottunga to undertake a campaign and recapture the city. This is attested
by his Srlrangam record which states that he ‘entered Kanchi with his anger abated’. 25
More about this temporary loss of Kanchi and its recapture, and about the chequer-
ed career of the overgrown vassals and their bearings on the history of Kanchi will
be considered in greater detail later.

Quite a number of epigraphs of Kulottunga III are found in the Varadaraja-
swami temple, their dates range from 3rd to 37th year of his reign. 20 They record
a number of grants to the temple by many of his chieftains and officers. Siyagangan,
son of Chdlendra Simha, built a shrine at this temple. 27 He was the Ganga chief-
tain of Kolar (near Mysore) who figures in many inscriptions of Kulottunga. In
this record, he calls himself as ‘Kuvalalapura-paramesvara’ — ‘Ganga-kulotbhava’, i.e.,
‘the Lord of Kolar’ and e one who was born of the Ganga family’. The significance
of the Tamil biruda Siraimittapperumdl i.e., the rescuer or saviour from the prison, is
rather obscure. Incidentally, it is of interest to note that this chieftain Siyagangan
was the patron of the well-known Tamil grammarian Pavanandi, the author of the
nannul. These donations and patronage, extended by the Ganga chieftains to the
temples and poets in Tamilnad, show their friendly attitude to their Chola overlords.
Another epigraph dated 14th year of Kulottunga III (i.e, A.D. 1191) records a
gift by one Ilaialvan Kalingarayan of Nettur. 28 Nettur was scene of a battle bet-
ween Vira Pandya and Kulottunga in which the former was worsted. This battle of
Nettur took place in A.D. 1189 and our epigraph here is dated in 1191-- two years
later than the event Kalingarayan might have been a general, who took part in
the famous battle. The other chieftains who made endowments to the Varadaraja-
swami temple were ; Ammaiappan Kannudaipperumal aVas Vikramasola Sambuva-

Political Background 17

raya, 39 Peddarasar, son of Madurantaka Pottappichchdjar Nallasiddharasan, the
Telugu-Choda chieftain, 30 Mahabalivanarayar who was probably a Bana chieftain.
He gave a village named Kulottunga-vilagam free of taxes to the temple 31 Another
chieftain, probably of Malai-nadu or Kerala named Rajadhiraja Malaiyarayan alias
Dharmaparipalan son of Munaiyadirayan, one of the malai-mudalis of Kulottunga. 32
Rajaraja III and Rajendra III

The reigns of Rajaraja III (A.D. 1216-1246) and Rajendra III (A.D. 1246-1279)
represent the last phase of the Chola power. The central authority was openly
defied and finally overthrown by the subordinate vassals as well as the newly rising
Pandyan power. This period also witnessed the active interference of the Hoysalas,
who tried to use the internal disunity and weakness to their advantage. Similarly,
the Kakatiyas of Warangal also found it possible to occupy Kanchipuram for some
time. Rajaraja III, in particular, was a very weak monarch and during his time the
Chola power was put to great troubles by its own vassals. Thus, the Pandyas under
Maravarman Sundara Pandya I (acc. 1216) inflicted a crushing defeat on Rajaraja
III, who had to abandon his capital. The Sanskrit work Gadyakarndmrta and the
TiruvSndipuram inscriptions say that while the Chola king was going away from his
capital with his retinue, the Kadava chieftain Kopperunjinga attacked him and made
him a prisoner. 33 This shocking news reached the Hoysala king, Vira Narasimha,
who despatched his army under his able generals, who struck terror in the Kadava
country and forced Kopperunjinga to release the Chola monarch and restore him to
the throne. The Hoysala army did not stop with this; it further penetrated into
the Pandya country and defeated the Pandyas at Mahendramandaiam and went as
far south as Rameswaram. This gave excellent opportunity for the Hoysalas to give
effect to their designs of domination over the Tamil country and the Chola country
virtually became a protectorate of the Hoysalas during the time of Rajaraja III. 34
More than fifty inscriptions of Rajaraja III ranging from his fifth to twentyninth
year are found at the Varadarajaswami temple and they clearly show the dominant
role played by the Hoysalas and the Telugu-Choda chieftains in the Kanchi area. 35
The presence of the Hoysala troops ( bherundas ) at Kanchi is attested by one of the
inscriptions dated A.D. 1221. 36 A number of Hoysala generals and officers also
figure prominently in the epigraphs and they will be reviewed separately.

The general trends leading to the downfall of the Chola-empire under Rajendra
III may be summed up here before a review of Kanchi’s association with the various
dynasties like the Hoysala, the Kakatiyas, and the Telugu-Chodas is taken up.
Rajendra III was more vigorous than his predecessors and he made a bold bid to
salvage the reputation of the Choja power by inflicting defeat on the Pandyan king
Maravarman Sundara II and even made him acknowledge the overlordship of the
Cholas. The Hoysalas who espoused the Chola cause earlier now supported the
Pandyas to redress the balance of power. This forced the Chojas to return to their
allies the Telugu-Chodas for help. They were in active control of the areas
round Nellore, Cuddappah and also Kanchi. The Telugu-Choda king even assumed
the title of “Chola-sthapanacharya”, establisher of the Cholas. But with accession
of the strong Jatavarman Sundara Pandya II in A.D. 12 51, events took a different
turn. Under the admirable leadership of the great warrior, the Pandyas defeated
the Cholas under Rajendra III and the Hoysalas under Somgsvara. The latter was

18 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple— Kanchi

killed in the battle at Kannanur in A.D. 1264, and his successor Ramanatha who
came to the rescue of the Cholas was also defeated. Consequently, the Hoysalas were
compelled to withdraw from the Tamil country, over which they had dominated for
quite some time. Their power was now confined to the Mysore Plateau. The Choja
king Rajendra Ill’s latest regnal year was A.D. 1279, which also roughly marks the
end of the Chola rule in South India. The Chola empire was completely absorbed
in the Pandyan empire which extended upto Nellore in the north where he performed
his Virabhisheka. 37 The feudatories of the Cholas ruling over Kanchi now accepted
the Pandyan overlordship.

We can now proceed to sketch the fortunes of Kanchi city under various dynas-
ties who came to importance in the wake of the disintegration of the Chola empir e .

Hoysalas in Kanchi

It was already shown how the Hoysalas exploited the disunity prevailing in the
Tamil country and played a dominant role there as protectors of the Chola power.
This is illustrated well in the epigraphs at Srs Varadarajaswami temple which mention
the numerous Hoysala Mahapradhanas , Dandanayakas or commanders and Samantas,
who probably stayed at Kanchi at this time. The stationing of the Hoysala troops
probably necessitated their visit to the city. These epigraphs dated between A.D.
1226 and 1240 i.e , contemporaneous with the reign of Vishnuvardhana Vira Nara-
simha II and Vira Somesvara. In all these epigraphs the nominal overlordship of
Rajaraja III Chola is, however, acknowledged. 38

Thu^pq find Goppayya Dandanayaka, the famous general who along with App-
annajpd the Hoysala forces victoriously into Tamil country also and subdued Kadava
Kop^uhjinga and restored Rajaraja III to the Chola throne donating a village to
Lord vfe^^raja in A.D. 1231. He is described as the son of Mallayya Dandanayaka. 39
The two other Hoysala generals who gave donations to this temple were Ammanna
Dandanayaka and Mallappa Dandanayaka — both in the 14th year of Rajaraja III i.e.,
in A.D. 1230 when Vira Narasimha was the Hoysala king. 40 In A.D. 1234, Vira
Somesvara came to the Hoysala throne and during his time Polavi Dandanayaka,
Vallaiya Dandanayaka, both ministers, donated cows to the temple in 1235 and 1238
A.D. 41 The other ministers who made gifts to this temple were Mallappa Dandana-
yaka and Goppayya Dandanayaka sons of Appayya Dandanayaka. 42 Another general
Kesava Dandanayaka who is described as the son of Mallayya also gave a grant to
the temple. This was in the 24th year of Rajaraja III i.e., about A.D. 1240. 43

The presence of the numerous generals and the Hoysala army in Kanchi clearly
indicates that this area was virtually under the Hoysala control, though the
name of Rajaraja III was only nominally or formally mentioned in the epigraphs.
Even this nominal mention is absent in one undated epigraph at the Varadarajaswami
temple. 44 It eulogises king Somesvara who descended from the family of Yadus and
that Devika, born of the Chalukya family, was his chief queen. The reference is
obviously to the Hoysala king Vira Somesvara who was killed by the Pandya king in
the battle of Kannanur (A.D. 1264) already referred to.

Kanchi under the Telugu-Chodas

Prominent among the quasi-independent feudatories who had held Kanchi city for

Political Background 19

a considerable length of time were the Telugn-Chodas of Nellore. The chronology and
the genealogy of these rulers ^re not free from controversy. They seem to have traced
their origin far back, including Karikala Chola as one of their ancestors. First,
they were subordinates of the Chojas and having control probably over portions of
land near Nellore and Kalahasti or Pottapi (near Chittoor). Hence, some of them
had the title Pottapi-Chola or Tirukkalattideva. One of their ancestors Beta was a
feudatory of Vikrama Chola. Beta’s son was Erasiddha who had in turn three sons
— Manmu Siddha I ( alias Nalla Siddha), Beta II and Tammu Siddha I. 45 They
held a subordinate position under Kulottunga III. An epigraph of the latter in the
Varadarajaswami temple at Kahchi mentions a gift by Peddarasa, son of Nalla
Siddharasan who is given the title Madurantaka Pottapi Ch6]an. 46 But, during
the closing years of Kulottunga’s reign, Nalla Siddha advanced upon Kahchi and
captured it for a short time. This necessitated Kulottunga to take a punitive
expedition against him and recovered Kahchi in A.D. 1196. 47 The Telugu-Chodas
accepted his suzerainty for some time more. But the coming of the weak monarchs
Rajaraja III and Rajendra III gave them an excellent opportunity to strengthen their
hold on Nellore-Kanchi region with a quasi-independence status, owing only nomi-
nal allegiance to the Choja overlord Even the nominal hold on Kahchi disappeared in
the time of Rajendra III, whose inscriptions are virtually absent at Kahchi.

But again in A.D. 1205 we have a record of Tammu Siddha I at Varadaraja-
swami temple which states that in S 1127, he anointed himself at Nellore and
presented a village to Hasti Sailesa or Lord of Hasti Hill at Kahchi. 48

Tikka I alias Tirukkalattideva alias Gandagopala (c. 1223-1250)

After Nalla Siddha alias Manmu Siddha I came his younger brother Tammu
Siddha to power in A.D. 1205. His three records are found at Kahchi. His successor
Tikka I alias Aluntikka-KaloXti I ruled between circa A.D. 1223 and 1250. 49 There
are nearly twentyhve inscriptions of this chief at Varadarajaswami temple. Most
of them are dated in the reign of Rajaraja III, whose nominal overlordship is ack-
nowledged by him. 50 His full name as it occurs in these epigraphs is Madurantaka
Pottappicholan Tirukkalattideva alias Gandagopalan. In an epigraph dated
§ 1153 (A.D. 1230) he claims to have captured Kahchi. 61 But, as pointed out by
Sewel, this “is a mere boast” for the most of his epigraphs he acknowledges the
Chola suzerainty. 52 However, there are a few epigraphs in which he cites his own
regnal years as, for example, in an epigraph dated A.D. 1235. 53 From this, it
appears that his claim to have captured Kahchi was substantially true. He almost
exercised independent authority in the grant of lands and villages to the
Arulalapperumal temple. He was an ardent devotee of this temple in which he
instituted the service called Gandagopalan-sandi (offerings) in the 15th year of Raja-
raja III (A.D. 1230). 64 In the 17th year of the same king, the chief granted some
villages for the maintenance of the sandi and conducting repairs to the temple. This
was repeatedly maintained by grants given year after year. 55 He granted exemption
of taxes for lands forming the flower-garden of the temple. 56 His several other gifts
to this temple and other Vaishnavite temples are recorded. 57 His queen Lakshml-
devi also made many gifts to our temple for maintaining garden, feeding- service etc.
Lakshmldpyi is described as the daughter of Vira Narasmgadeva, probably the

20 Sri Varadarajaswdmi Temple — Kdficki

Yadavaraya chief. 58 Tikka had a number of subordinate officers or mudalis 59 and
servants 60 and handmaids. 61 He levied taxes on the oil-merchants. Boundary
stones set up to mark the jurisdiction of lands bore the insignia of Gandagopala. 62
There was even a street named Ga?idagopalapperunderu* z A village named Ganda-
gopalan-Chaturvedimangalam is also mentioned. 64 All these show that he was the
de facto ruler of Kanchi.

It was during the time of Tikka I that the Hoysajas were becoming strong in
the Tamil country. The inscriptions describing their dominance at Kanchi noticed
earlier were dated in this period i.e., between A.D. 1226 and 1240. But later, the
Telugu-Chodas seem to have asserted themselves and according to the introductory
verses of Tikkana Somayaji’s Nirvacanottara Ramayanamu , the Telugu-Choda chief
Tikka I subdued the Hoysala ruler Somesvara and established the Chd|a in his posi-
tion and earned for himself the title Cholasthdpandcharyd . This is confirmed by a
Hoysala epigraph dated § 1162 (A.D. 1240) which mentions Somesvara’s expedi-
tion against Gandagopala. 65 Perhaps, this was one of the reasons why the Hoysalas
withdrew from the Kanchi area and they are not heard of so frequently in this place
after A.D. 1240. Tikka I continued to be a Chola feudatory in charge of Kanchi
until 1249 when Kakatiya Ganapati captured Kanchi, as attested by the presence of
his epigraph dated in June 8th, 1249. 66 The Telugu-Chodas apparently transferred
their allegiance to the Kakatiyas. In A.D. 1250 Manma Siddha II succeeded his
father Tikka I. 67 An inscription at Nandalur makes it clear that Ganapati and
Manma Siddha were on friendly terms. 68

Manma Siddha II Vijaya Gandagopala

His full name as it occurs in the inscription is Tribhuvanachakravarthi Vijaya
Gandagopaladeva. He called himself the Lord of Kanchi. His rule[commenced in A.D.
1250 and he seems to have been “practically, if not actually, independent”. 69 But his
rule between 1250 and 1291 witnessed crucial developments. Kanchi changed hands
in rapid succession among the Telugu-Chodas, the Kakatiyas, the Kadava Kopper-
unjinga and Pandyas. But the change of rule often meant only the de jure change
of the overlords. Vijaya Gandagopala seems to have continued as the local chieftain
directly in charge of Kaftchi. His reign was coeval with RajSndra III, Jatavarman
Sundara-Pandya, Kopperunjinga and Kakatiya Ganapati. His epigraphs numbering
above 20 and issued in his own regnal years ranging from 2nd to 31st year are
found in the Varadarajaswami temple i.e., between 1253 and 1291. 70 But this long
rule was frequently interrupted by external intrusions. For example, Kopperunjinga
is recognised as the ruler of Kanchi in A.D. 1253-1254 and again in May 1257 and
once again in 1260. 7i Curiously, in the same years, Vijaya-Gandagopala is also
recognised as the ruler. 72 This may not only show the rapid changes in the political
fortunes of Kanchi but also perhaps show that at one time the rival kings were
“severally supported by their adherents”. 73 Another important feature during this
time was the rising power of the Pandyas, who superseded the Choi as and penetra-
ted into the Tondaimandalam, A number of inscriptions of Jatavarman II are found in
Chingleput district dated A.D. 1258 and 1259. In 1260, he overran Vijayaganda-
gopala’s territory and marched as far as Nellore where he performed his vlrabhisheka . 74
He anointed himself at Kanchi also. His inscriptions dated in A.D. 1256 and

Political Background 21

1266 are found in the Varadarajaswami temple and these will be reviewed in a later
context. We do not have a clear idea about Vijayagandagopala’s position vis-a-vis
the Pandyan king. Probably, he now functioned as the latter’s feudatory. But we
find the Telugu-Choda’s inscriptions continuously issued in his own regnal years right
upto A.D. 1291 and several of them are found in the Varadarajaswami temple. 75

Like Tikka, Tribhuvanachakravarthi Vijaya Gandagopala had his subordinate
officers. One of them was Nalla Siddharasan who figures with high sounding titles
in an epigraph at Varadarajaswami temple. 76 It records a donation of a number of
villages for instituting a service called Rahuttarayan-Sandi called after the donor who
bears titles like Pallava-kulatilaka, Rajaparamesvara, Mukkandi Kaduvettivamsa-
vatara, while the title Rahuttarayan might show that he was ‘the lord of the horse-
men’, his other titles may suggest that he was a Telugu-Pallava. 77 Another epigraph
in the same temple clearly refers to his Nalla Siddha as subordinate to Vijaya Ganda-
gopala. 78 One interesting fact, that has come to light from the inscriptions of
this chief at Kafichi, is that a number of Nayakas evidently chieftains from Malai-
mandalam, figure frequently as donors to the Varadarajaswami temple. Thus, we
have the grants of Srikumaran, a member of Nayakanmar of Malaimandalam in
A.D. 1254, two other Nayakas in A.D. 1257 and 1265 and another Ramanakkan
Nayaka of Malaimandalam in 1271. 79 Malaimandalam is evidently a reference to
Malainadu or the hilly tract of the West Coast. 80 We know that Jatavarman Sun-
dara the great Pandyan king invaded Malainadu and defeated the Chera king. It is
possible that many of the military chiefs or nayakas from the Chera country accom-
panied the Pandyan army in its campaign in Tondaimandalara. It is interesting to
note in this connection that there is a street named Malayaja-street in Vishnu-Kanchi.
Probably, some of the Nayakas and merchants of Malayaja-desa or Malaimanda-
lam had settled here.

Vira Gandagopala

The next Telugu-Choda chieftain who figures in our inscriptions is one Vira
Gandagopala who is identified by Sewel as Manmu Siddha III. 81 His accession took
place sometime late in A.D. 1290 or beginning of 1291. He is represented by only
one epigraph dated in his 3rd regnal year corresponding to A.D. 1294. 82 His inscrip-
tions immediately after this are not found at Kanchi. Perhaps he had lost hold of
the city and regained it in A.D. 1297 when he ruled as a vassal of Kakatiya king
Prataparudradeva II. 83

Kadava Kopperufijinga at Kanchi

Another important feudatory power which shot into prominence in the 13th
century was the Kadavaraya family, claiming descent from the ancient Pallava
family. It was working its way up from the days of Vikramachoja. But it was
under Kopperufijinga (circa 1229-1278), the Kadava power rose to a position of an
independent power, though only for a short time. Kopperufijinga was in charge of
the South Arcot region with his capital at Sendamangalam. As pointed out earlier,
he utilised the weak rule of Rajaraja III to strengthen himself. When the Pandya
king Maravarman Sundara I invaded the Chola empire and defeated its king
Rajaraja III, Kopperufijinga rebelled against his overlord and even took him a cap-

22 Sri Varadara jaswdmi Temple — Kanchi

tive and only released him due to Hoysaja invasion of the Kadava country. The
defeat of Kopperuhjinga at the hands of the Hoysala Narasimha in 1230-1231 curbed
the Kadava’s ambition only temporarily. He acknowledged the Choja overlordship
perhaps only upto the year A.D. 1243; from that year onwards, his inscriptions are
recorded in his own regnal years which might mean that he became more or less an
independent power. 84 Later on, Kopperuhjinga scored a victory over Somesvara
and then went upto Kanchi, which was then under the control of Kakatiya Ganapati
and his feudatory Vijayagandagopala. This Kanchi expedition took place sometime
around 1253 as an inscription of Kopperuhjinga of that date is found at Varadaraja-
swami temple, Kanchi. 85 His other inscriptions at the temple are dated in his 1 1th,
12th. 15th, 18th, 19th and 20th years i e., dates ranging from 1253 to 1262 A.D. 86
He is called in all these inscriptions as ‘Sakalabhuvanachakravartinh In this
expedition, he was helped by his son Kadavan Kumaran who is eulogised as the
Lord of Mallai, Mayilai, Kanchi and Tundahanadu (Tondaimandalam). 87

But Kopperunjinga’s sway over Tondaimandalam was ended by the strong Jata-
varman Sundara Pandya I, who decisively defeated him after A.D. 1264. From then
Kopperuhjinga became a subordinate ally of the Pandyan king and even assisted him
in his expedition to the north. With the death of Kopperuhjinga, the Kadava
power, for all practical purposes, ceased to be a force. 88

His inscriptions mention two NUagangarayans, one Kodakkon Nilagangarayan
and another Arunagiri Perumal Nilagangarayan son of Panchanadivanan Nilaganga-
rayan and their gifts to the Vaiadarajaswami temple. 89 They were probably local
officers or agents. Another Nayak’s (of Malaimandalam) gift is recorded in an
inscription. 90

Eastern Ganga interlude at Kanchi

The two inscriptions mentioning gifts by the Ganga king Anangabhima III and
his queen Somaladevi Mahadevi to Arujalapperumal temple are interesting. 91 One
of them is dated the 19th year of the reign of Anantavarma Mahita-deva of the
Ganga family (i.e., Anangabhima III). The date of this inscription corresponds to
A.D 1230. It records a gift of the village Udaiyakamam in Anantarudra-Vishaya
by Somaladevi Mahadevi for offerings and worship to God Allalanatha while she was
at Abhinava-varanasi, the modern Cuttack in Orissa which was the capital of the
Eastern Gangas The second inscription records a gift of 128 cows and four bulls
by the same king and dated in the 20th year of Rajaraja III, which corresponds to
A.D. 1235. Regarding the latter inscription, there is no controversy. But the first
inscription dated in the regnal year of the Ganga king has led Dr. Mahalingam to
postulate an intrusion of the Eastern Ganga forces into Tamilnad. 92 According to
him, the Eastern Ganga aimy entered Kahchipuram and occupied it for a short time
and was later driven out by the Hoysala Narasimha II. He tries to identify the
foreign troops (mlechchadesa) that helped the Kadava during his attack on Rajaraja
III as the Eastern Ganga forces. Later on, according to him, the Eastern Ganga
forces were driven out by the Hoysala king Vlra Narasimha, who claims, in his
epigraphs that he pursued the “Trikalinga” forces which he identifies with the Eas-
tern Ganga forces. In another inscription at Kanchi itself mention is made of Vira
Narasimha’s invasion and uprooting of the Magara kingdom (M agar a-raj yam nirmu -

Political Backgrourd 23

lya ), his setting up of the Ch5la king who had sought his protection and his station-
ing at Kahchipuram of the army of the bherundas (probably a regiment) for uproot-
ing the evil-doers (dushtanirmulam artham tatra bherunda varggam sthapayitva). He
thinks that the dushta element at Kahchipuram was none other than the Trikalinga
army. All this, he believes, occurred in A.D. 1230. 93 But Dr. Sircar does not agree
with this view and states that the Eastern Ganga army could not have penetrated
as far south as Kanchi without conquering thousands of square miles of the Kaka-
tiya territory that lay north of the Choi a territory and there is absolutely no proof
to show that Anangabhima III was ever engaged in a successful war with Ganapati.
He also states that Hoysala Vira Narasimha II was in possession of Kanchi even in
March 1229 A.D., whereas the Eastern Ganga inscription is dated A.D. 1230. He
says that it is thus very difficult to believe that the place was occupied by the army
of Anangabhima III in 1230 A.D. He thinks that the Hoysala’s claim against
Trikalinga forces may be as empty a boast as his other claim regarding the conquest
of the Vmdhyan region. Dr. Sircar further surmises that Somaladevi, the wife of
the Eastern Ganga king, was probably the sister or daughter of the Choi a king Raja-
raja III through a Hoysala princess and hence, the presence of the Eastern Ganga
inscription recording a pious gift does not imply any political conquest. 94

Kanchi under the Pandyas

It was shown that the Pandyan power under the great warrior Jatavarman Sun-
dara I launched on an ambitious policy of expansion which met with splendid success.
He defeated the Chola king Rajendra III, Hoysala power under Somesvara, Kadava
Kopperunjinga, TelugmChoda Vijayagandagopala and the Kakatiya Ganapati
(both of whom he killed). He performed his 4 vfrabhishekc C at Nellore and Kanchi
became his second capital. 95 He gloried the new conquests by assuming titles
Kanchlpura-Varadhlsvara and Kahchipuram Kondan . 96 The erstwhile feudatories of
the Cholas now transferred their allegiance to their new master. The Pandyan
sway over Kanchi is well attested by their inscriptions found in the temples of
Kanchi. Thus, Jatavarman Sundara Pandya’s inscriptions dated in his 5th and 15th
(i.e., A.D. 1256-12 66) regnal years are found in Sri Varadarajaswami temple. 97 One
of them, a grant to the temple by Soliyadaraiyan of Uttamapandyanallur in Pandya-
nadu 98 while another records a gift by Madhusudan Apatsahayan alias Ramachand-
radeva from Sermadevi in Pandimandalam." He was probably a military officer or
chieftain and hence, the village gifted by him was named after himself as
Apatsahay anallur .

The next Pandyan king represented in the inscriptions of the Varadarajaswami
temple is Jatavarman Vira Pandya in his 8th regnal year, which may correspond to
A.D. 1261. 100 Probably, he was co-regent with Jatavarman Sundara for some time
and succeeded him later. 101

But, at the same time, we cannot say that the Pandyan control of the territory
around Kanchi was by any means firm. This is clearly seen in the existence of
many inscriptions issued in Telugu-Choda chieftains. To cite a few examples, we
have inscription of Manmu Siddha II Vijayagandagopala from 1265 to 1291 at
Varadarajaswami temple, 102 though an inscription of Jatavarman Sundara II is found
as far north as Cuddapah in 1286. 103 Probably, this means that the Telugu-Chddas

24 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple— Kanchi

continued to be the local rulers under the nominal overlordship of the Pandyas.
This Pandyan hegemony over the Tondaimandalam region continued for three more
years as attested by the provenance of the inscriptions of Maravarman Kulasekhara
I (1268-1308), Jatavarman Sundara Pandya II (acc. 1276), Maravarman Vikrama
Pandya (acc. 1283). 101 But their hold could not last long because of the civil war
in their own ranks. After the death of Kulasekhara I in about 1308, a civil war
broke out between the latter’s sons Vira Pandya and Sundara Pandya, the two rival
claimants to the throne. Having suffered a defeat at the hands of Vira Pandya,
Sundara invoked the aid of Malik Kafur the general of Allauddin Khilji who was
only too ready to seize such an opportunity. He had already conquered the Yadava
kingdom of Dgvagiri and the Kakatiya kingdom of Warangal and was advancing
towards the Hoysala country and now was a chance for him to enter further south
and conquer the extensive Pandyan kingdom. 105 Malik Kafur invaded the Tamil
country in A.D. 1310, went right upto Madurai and raided many cities and temples,
including those of Kanchi and Srirangam on his way, resulting in plunder and
desecration. 106 This invasion was at best a military raid which did not lead to any
permanent conquest. It made the political confusion more confounded in South
India. In the state of confusion to which South India had now been brought, the
way lay open for any strong ruler to increase his strength by conquest.

Chera King at Kanchi

This opportune moment was seized by the Chera king Ravivarman Kulasekhara,
who in the words of his epigraph at Kanchi * ‘vanquished the Keralas, the Pandyas and
Cholas and having driven the enemy Vira-Pandya and having conquered the northern
region, entered Kanchi”. 107 This inscription which is at the Varadarajaswami temple
states that he performed the second coronation on the banks of the River Vegavati at
Kanchi in his 46th regnal year (i.e., A.D. 1312-1313) and on the occasion gave gifts
to the Arulalappermal temple. He calls himself as Vegavatinatha or the Lord of
the Vegavati. His first coronation took place in A.D. 1309. His inscriptions found
at Pundamalli and Tiruvadi in South Arcot go to confirm his conquests. 108

Kakatiya Prataparudra II at Kanchi, A.D. 1316

But Ravivarman Kulasekhara’s hold over Kanchi was only short-lived. The
Kakatiya power under the dynamic king Prataparudra II recovered from Malik
Kafuris attacks earlier and marched southwards. The Kakatiya army under the
command of Muppidi Nayaka marched to Kanchi, and captured the city in A.D.
1316. An inscription of that date belonging to Prataparudra at the Varadarajaswami
temple states that the general came to Kanchi and installed certain Manavlra as
the governor and granted the revenues of the two villages to Arujalapperumal which
amounted to 1002 Gandagopala-madai , the Telugu-Choda coin that was still current
at Kanchi at that time. 109 The Kakatiya power penetrated further south and
probably in alliance with the Hoysala power, defeated and reduced the last rem-
nants of the Pandyan power. Prataparudra’s inscription found at Srirangam
commemorates his victory over the Pancha Pandyas or the Five Pandyas. 110

The Muslim invasions and Ballala III, the Hoysala King

. Nothing is heard of this Manavira subsequently; nor is it clearly known how

Political Background 25

long the Kakatiya overlordship of Kanchi continued. Probably, political uncertainty
that prevailed in this region and indeed in Tamilnad was further aggravated by
another Muslim invasion in A.D. 1327. This time the army of Muhammad Bin
Tuglak after overcoming the Deccan marched against the Hoysala capital
Dwarasamudra and caused considerable damage and marched further south and
captured Madurai ‘This led in the first instance to the establishment of a garrison
in Madurai and later to the creation of a Sultanate there’. This rule, which was
marked by oppression, lasted to about A.D. 1371. But meanwhile, Ballal a III,
the Hoysala king, vacated the capital Dwarasamudra and settled at Tiruvannamalai
sometime in A D. 1328. From there, he was operating against the Madura Sultans.
In A.D. 1335, Jalal-ud-din revolted against his Delhi overlord and set up his
independence. This estrangement between the Muslim powers was taken advantage
of by the Hoysala king Ballala III who strengthened himself in the South Arcot-
Coimbatore region. It was during this time probably the Hoysala made a short
visit to Kanchi. His inscription at Varadarajaswami temple dated in A.D. 1335
mentions that Vira-Vallabadeva was camping at Kanchi and that his minister or chief
Kampayya Dannayaka made a grant to the temple. 111 Another undated epigraph
records that the Hoysala king and his queens visited this temple where they were
seated on a throne called (after the king) Vira-Vallaladevan and under the canopy
called Ariyannavcillalan . 112 These inscriptions would clearly indicate that Ballala’s
sway extended however briefly to the Kanchi region. The years between A.D. 1335
and 1342 were of great activity for Ballala in consolidating the Hoysala hold and
making it a bulwark of attack on the Muslim power of Madurai. With the huge
army he encamped at Tiruchirappalli and fought a battle with the Muslim powers.
But in spite of initial successes, this battle proved disastrous for Ballala who was
first taken prisoner and later killed mercilessly in A.D. 1342. The Hoysala power
did not recover from this blow. It survived for a year more under Ballala IV and
later about A.D. 1346 was overrun by the victorious Vijayanagar power. 113

Kanchi under Sambuvarayas

The Sambuvarayas were originally chieftains under the Cholas who were powerful
in some portions of the North Arcot and Chingleput regions. As far as Kanchi
was concerned they could not make much headway towards it so long as the Telugu-
Chodas were in control of it. During the time of Kulottunga III, one of them
Ammaiappan Kunnudaipperumal alias Vikrama Choi a Sambuvarayan figures as a
donor to the temple of Varadarajaswami. 114 Later, in A.D. 1247 during the time of
Rajaraja III, another chieftain Viraperumal Edirili Chola Sambuvarayan alias
Rajaraja Sambuvarayan donated lands for worship and offerings. He instituted a
service, Alappirandan-Sandi named after his title. 115 All these attest to their subor-
dinate position. But, later we have an inscription issued in the name of Champa,
son of Vira-Chola and dated A.D. 1314. Probably, he was Vira-Champaraya alias
Sambuvaraya who figures in the inscriptions in North Arcot as a subordinate of the
new conqueror Jatavarman Sundara Pandya. 116 Subsequently, when the Pandyan and
the Telugu-Choda and Hoysala powers were on the decline in Tondaimandalam the
Sambuvaraya chiefs were in charge of the area till they were overrun by the
Vijayanagar power. Two of them viz., Venrumankonda Sambuvaraya (acc. A.D.

26 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple— Kmchi

1322) and Rajanarayana Sambuvaraya (acc. A.D. 1337) ruled independently. The
latter’s inscriptions dated in 7th and 14th regnal years are found in our temple. 117

Kanchi under the Vijayanagar rule

Meanwhile, the newly rising Vijayanagar power was making rapid strides. The
Udayagiri-rajya, one of the provinces of the kingdom, bordered on the Tondai-
mandalam region. That province was under Sayana-Udaiyar, the son of Kampana I
in S 1273 (A.D. 1352). 118 A few of his inscriptions are found in Kanchi and also the
area north of it. 119 This marks the slow beginning of the spread of the Vijayanagar
authority in the Tamil country. This extension of the Vijayanagar power was well
established after the brilliant victory scored by Kumara Kampana, the son of Bukka,
over the Sambuvaraya and the capture of his fort at Rajagambhiram in A.D. 1361.
He entered Kanchi triumphantly and proceeded further south and crushed the
Sultanate of Madurai. The conquest of Madurai and Kampana’s triumphal march
formed the theme for an epic poem Madura vJjayam by his wife Gangadevi. 120 As
symbolic of the revival of the Hindu power, the image of Ranganatha at Srirangam,
which had been removed for safety earlier, was reinstalled. In his southern
campaign, Kampana was ably assisted by two generals Gopanna and Saluva Mangu.
The latter figures in two inscriptions at Varadarajaswami temple, one of which
mentions that his pradkani or chief Pettarasan was authorised to levy certain
taxes. 121 Kampana’s inscription dated A.D. 1364 is found at the Kailasanatha
temple at Kanchi where he reinstated worship which was abandoned since long. 122
His inscription dated S 1288 (A.D. 1367) is found at the Varadarajaswami temple. 123
Many more of his epigraphs are found in other parts of Tamil country like
Chingleput, South Arcot District. 124 Kampana II died in A.D. 1374 while his father
Bukka I continued to rule till 1377. The latter was succeeded by his son Harihara
II who ruled from 1377 to 1404.

Harihara II (A.D. 1377-1404)

His authority extended to a considerable portion of South India including the
Mysore and the whole of the Tamil country. Four of his inscriptions are found in
our temple at Kanchi. Two of them are dated S 1300 (A.D. 1378). 125 Another
dated S 1325 (A.D. 1403) informs us that the Tondaimandalam region continued
to be called Jayaxngondasolamandalam, a name given to it in the time of
Rajaraja L 120 Another records his grant of a village to a Vaishnava matha in our
temple. 127

After Harihara s death, in about A.D. 1404, there was a succession dispute
between his surviving sons. Virupaksha I first succeeded m securing the throne between
A.D. 1404 and 1405. In his time, according to Nuniz, ‘Coromandel’ rebelled against
the Vijayanagar authority and Virupaksha had to re-conquer the provinces of Tundira
(Tondaimandalam), the Chola and Pandyas. This account of Nuniz is confirmed
by other sources also. 128 But VirQpaksha’s rule was soon cut short by his brother
Bukka II who ejected him and ruled the kingdom between A.D. 1405 and 1406.
After him, his brother DSvaraya I became the king and ruled till 1422. The
inscriptions of all the three brothers are found in the District of Chingleput, though
none at Varadarajaswami temple.

Political Background 27

The next Vijayanagar ruler Devaraya II ruled between A.D. 1422 to 1446. His
authority spread far and wide. Razak and Nuniz, two contemporary writers,
testify to the fact that Devaraya was supreme over the whole of South India and
that his dominion even spread to Quilon and Ceylon in the South. But his
relations with the kingdoms of Orissa and Bahmini continued to be hostile. His
inscriptions have been found in the neighbourhood of Kahchi, though none in our
temple. 129 There is some ground to suspect that Kanchi city was temporarily
captured by the Velama chieftain Vasantaraya whose inscription is found in our
temple.

Velama Intrusion

During the early years of the reign of DSvaraya II, the Velama Nayaks remained
friendly. When Bahmini Sultan Ahmad Shah declared war on Vijayanagar about A.D.
1424, the latter under Devaraya obtained considerable help from them. The Nayak
Anapota II promptly despatched his forces to the battle-field under Linga. But due
to some reasons which are not clear, he withdrew the help in the middle. This
allegedly treacherous conduct prompted the Vijayanagar king Devaraya II to send
help to the Reddis of Rajamundry in their fight against the Velama general Linga.
This widened the gap between the Vijayanagar and the Velama power. Thereafter,
Linga made a series of attacks on the different portions of the Vijayanagar empire
like Nagarjunakonda, Kondavidu etc. He also directed his attention towards south,
subdued Nellore chieftain and even came as far as Kanchi. An inscription of
A.D. 1437 which registers a gift of two Dwarapala images to Arulalapperumal temple
of Kanchi by Recerla Vasantaraya, son of Anapota II and the younger brother of
Singa III alias Sarvajna points to the presence of Velama forces in the neighbour-
hood of the city. 130

Devaraya II was succeeded by Vijaya Raya II (1446-47) and shortly after, by his
son, Mallikarjuna, who ruled between 1447 and 1465. The period of Mallikarjuna’s
rule was one of great difficulty for the Vijayanagar empire as it came to be threatened
by the combined forces of the Bahmini king, Muhammad II and the Orissa king,
KapilSsvara Gajapati. The Vijayanagar armies were defeated and important forts
of Kondavidu, Vinukonda and Addanki were captured. The Orissa army under
Hamavira assisted by Kapilesvara, marched into the southern regions as well,
in A.D. 1463. It captured important places like Udayagiri, Chandragiri,
Padaivldu, Kahchi, Tiruvarur and Tiruchirappalli. 131 The expedition was a grand
success. But the conquering force was compelled to retrace its steps within two
years. The Oriya expedition of the South was thus only a sudden raid which
disappeared as quickly as it came, so that we find Mallikarjuna’s rule being recognis-
ed again in Tondaimandalam in A.D. 1465. There is one inscription of Mallikarju-
nadeva at Varadaraja temple dated A.D. 1465. 132

After Mallikarjuna, the Vijayanagar throne passed on to his cousin Virupaksha
II, who ruled between A.D. 1465-1485. His inscriptions dated A.D. 1467 and 1471
are found at Kanchi. 133

The former epigraph informs us that there was a Padaiparru or military station
of the Vijayanagar army at Tepperumalnallur, near Kanchi. According to this
epigraph the village Tepperumalnallur (called after Tepperumal i.e., Devapperumal,

28 Sri Varadardjaswdmi Temple— Kanchi

another name of Lord Varadaraja), as Padaiparru. It was evidently a military
station or cantonment where the Vijayanagar forces were stationed.

The Gajapatis of Orissa rose up again to threaten the Vijayanagar empire. They
marched southward along the Coromandel Coast as far as Kanchipuram. 134 It was
at this critical time that the Vijayanagar empire was saved by the Saluva Narasimha,
the powerful Vijayanagar Viceroy, who along with his trusted generals, beat the
invaders back up to Rajamundry in A.D. 1474-75. But some years later, about
1480, the Bahmini Sultan Muhammad Shah invaded the South. Firishta tells us
that the Sultan received information about the richress and grandeur of the temples
at the Hindu city, Kanchi, which was said to be of only ten days’ journey from
Kondavidu, his camping place. 133 He invaded Kanchi and looted much of its
wealth. Saluva Narasimha sent his general Isvara Nayaka to Kanchi, who success-
fully drove the Sultan out of Kanchi and even managed to recapture much of the
booty which the Sultan had collected by plunder of Kanchi. 136

Virupaksha’s rule ended in 1485. He was killed by his eldest son who in turn
was killed by his younger brother. This state of confusion was the most opportune
moment for Saluva Narasimha, the powerful subordinate of Vijayanagar empire, to
usurp the throne, which he did in I486. Till then, he was only a governor in charge
of the modem districts of South Arcot, North Arcot and Chingleput, 137 with his
headquarters at Chandragiri. This usurpation which is called the First Usurpation
marked the replacement of the Sangama dynasty by the new Saluva line of kings
over the Vijayanagar throne. Saluva Narasimha was quite an able king. He
recovered most of the revolted provinces during his six years rule. Though he
could not recover Raichur Doab from the Bahminis and Udayagiri from the king
of Orissa, Saluva Narasimha’s hold over the Tamil country was quite intact. He
was a great devotee of Vishnu and during his time, the Vishnu temple of Tirupati
and Kanchi received great many benefactions. He had the services of a dynamic
SrI-Vaishnava leader named Kandadai Ramanuja Iyengar, who utilised the royal
benefactions for various charitable and religious purposes at Tirupati, Srlrangam and
Kanchi. 138 His epigraphs dated A.D. 1486 and 1487 are found in our temple. 139

After the death of Saluva Narasimha in 1491, his son Immadi Narasimha suc-
ceeded to the throne. He was however put to death sometime in 1505. His general
Narasa Nayaka now seized the throne and from him started the Tuluva line.
Shortly afterwards, Narasa died. He was succeeded by his son Vira Narasimha (A.D.
1505 to 1509). His inscription dated April 1509 is found on the east wall of the
Abhisheka-mandapa of the Varadarajaswami temple. 140 It records a gift of a village
called Narasingarayapuram, evidently called after Vira Narasimha. The latter was
succeeded by his able and strong brother Krishnadeva Raya, who ruled between
A.D. 1509-1529.

Krishnadeva Raya (A.D. 1509-1529)

The reign of Krishnadeva Raya is a landmark in the history of South India.
Under him, the Vijayanagar empire was at the zenith of its power and glory. It
included practically the whole of South India. By his military prowess he made
his authority felt by the rebel chieftains of Ummattur, the Gajapatis of Orissa,
Sultan Muhammad II of Bahmini and the Sultan of Bijapur* Tondaimandalam and the

Political Background 29

rest of the Tamil country were so quiet and calm, that Krishnadeva Raya could not
only fully divert his attention to his arduous wars with the Gajapati, but also could
pay frequent visits to holy places like Tirupati, Kalahasti and Kanchi. 141 As many
as 16 inscriptions of Krishnadeva Raya are found at the Varadarajaswami temple
ranging between § 1431 to S 1451 (A.D. 1510-1528). Two of these inscriptions
give us a complete list of his conquests prior to § 1438. 142 After the conquests, the
king made a religious tour of the South and halted at Kanchi and visited Varadaraja-
swami temple* He made benefactions for the merit of his father Narasa Nayaka
and his mother Nagaladevi. This grant was recorded in three languages viz., Tamil,
Telugu and Kannada. 143 These inscriptions begin with the usual historical introduc-
tion in Sanskrit and give the genealogy of the Tuluva dynasty from Xsvara down
to Krishnadeva Raya. An epigraph mentions a gift by an official adhikaram Raya-
sam Ayyapparasayyar, son of Gottimukku Tipparasar of Bharadvaja-gotra. 144
Another epigraph dated S 1446 mentions a gift of jewelled pendant to God by
another officer Rayasam Sripatayya. 145 * The latter’s local agent one Narapparasayya
also made gifts. 146 ' In S 1438 the king himself gave five villages yielding an annual
income of 1,500 varahas asgift. 147

Three months later, Krishnadeva ^Raya again visited Kanchi perhaps on his
way back to his capital and gave donations to Varadarajaswami and Ekambaresvarar
temples at Kanchi. 148

Achyutadeva Raya (A.D. 1530-1542)

Krishnadeva Raya was succeeded by his brother Achyuta Raya 1529

and nearly 23 inscriptions of his are found at Sri Varadarajaswami temple, their
dates ranging from £ 1450 to § 1463 (i.e., from A.D. 1530 to 1542)! 49 He perform-
ed his coronation at Tirupati. A record at Kanchi dated ' A.D. } 53 3 states that
soon after his coronation in the year Virodhi (1529-30), the king directed his Jpcal
agent afr Kanchi, Saluva Nayaka, to distribute his gifts of villages equally between
the temples of Varadaraja and Ekambaresvarar in the city of Kanchipuram in
Chandragiri-i^jHj^# 0 But the latter failed in his trust and allotted more to the
Siva temple. When this irregularity was brought to the notice of the king while
he was at Kanchi, he ordered a revised allocation to be made and had the necessary
documents drawn up in his presence. An earlier record of the year S 1454 (A.D.
1532) states that Achyuta Raya visited Sr! Varadarajaswami temple in the company
of his wife Varadadevi Amman and his son Kumara Venkatadri. During the
occasion he made enormous gifts including 17 villages and a thousand cows. He
also performed 4 Mukta-thulabharcC by weighing himself against pearls. This is inscrib-
ed in three languages, Tamil, Telugu and Kannada. 151 The Sanskrit historical
poem Achyutarayabhyudayam also refers to this event. It says that Achyuta in the
course of his expedition to the Tamil country to quell the rebellious governor
Chellappa, visited holy places like Tirupati and Kalahasti and from there he
“proceeded with his army to Kanchi”. 152 Then the king weighed himself against
pearls which were distributed for charity. While at Kanchi several forest kings
( kiratas ) waited upon him with tribute and presents. Accompanied by them he
proceeded further south and went to Tiruvannamalai. After worshipping the God
of the place, he entered the Chola country and, after a few days march, reached

30 Sri Varadarajaswami T empl e — Kan chi

Srlrangam. Having stayed there for some time, he intended proceeding further on
his expedition, when one of his officers told him that it was not necessary for the
king to go against a small chief like Chellappa and requested that he might be
entrusted with the expedition. 153 Chellappa referred to in the poem was Saluva
Nayaka or Saluva Narasimha, who served as governor of the Tamil provinces under
Krishnadeva Raya. He was probably a native of Kanchipuram. An inscription
from Kunnattur dated in the time of Krishnadeva Raya (A.D. 1510) informs us that
Sajuva Nayakkar Sellappar was the son of Tirukkalaindan Bhatta, a Devakanmi of
the temple of Tiruvekambamudaya Nayinar (Ekambaresvarar temple) at Kanchi-
puram. 154 During Achyuta’s time he became rebellious and defied the Vijayanagar
authority. It was the same Saluva Nayaka who was also responsible for the
irregularity in the distribution of lands between Varadaraja and Ekambaresvarar
temples, which the king himself had to set right during his visit to the city. But
when Achyuta’s forces entered deep into Tamilnad, Sellappa fled to Tiruvadi rajya.
He was pursued even there by Achyuta’s brother-in-law. He defeated the local king
who gave protection to Sellappa and brought both of them as prisoners. 155

One officer by name Kumara Dannayaka is mentioned as having made gifts to the
temple for the merit of Rayasam Narasayya, the son of Virupaksha Dannayaka. 156

Achyuta’s reign also witnessed the growth of resentment amongst many of the
subordinate viceroys of the Vijayanagar empire like the Nayak of Madura. Some
of them joined Ramaraya, Tirumala and Venkata of the Aravidu family as against
the influential nephews of Achyutaraya. This consequently plunged the country
into troubles.

Sadasiva (A.D. 1542-1576)

Achyuta was succeeded by his son Venkata I in 1541 but a few months’ later,
he was murdered by his maternal uncle Salakaraju Tirumala who seized the throne.
The latter’s tyrannical rule was however cut short by Sadasiva who ruled between
A.D. 1542 and 1576. Quite a number of Sadasiva’s records are found at the
Varadarajaswami temple, their dates ranging from § 1466 to § 1484 (i.e., A.D.
1544-1 562). 157 Sadasiva was a weak monarch and so his reign was dominated by
his able minister Rama Raya who wielded all the power and was indeed the de facto
ruler of the kingdom. Sadasiva is even said to have been imprisoned and later
exhibited to the people once a year. 158 But this great power lie wielded and his
interference in the affairs of the Sultanates of Deccan alienated the latter and
brought about the disastrous battle of Talikotta in A.D. 1565. The battle ended
in utter defeat of the Vijayanagar army. Rama Raya was taken prisoner and put
to death. Rama Raya’s brother Tirumala made good his escape and also took
Sadasiva his sovereign as captive.

An important feature of Sadasiva’s reign was the domination of the realm by
his kinsmen and other chieftains. He replaced the old nobility and elevated his
own brothers, cousins and nephews to high posts of chieftainship. They were
mostly of the Aravidu or Telugu-Choda families. This is very well borne out by
his inscriptions at Varadaraja temple in which his numerous powerful chieftains
are mentioned with high-sounding titles. They are :

1. Matli Varctdaraju : He was one of the important chiefs of the Matli-family

Political Background 31

who claimed descent from the Deva-Choda family of the Solar race. He is
described as the son of Somaraja. Like Aliya Ramaraya, Varadaraja was
also the son-in-law of Krishnadeva Raya having married the latter’s daughter
Krishnamma. Varadaraja is described in an epigraph as Kaveri-Vallabha,
Katikasurahara, Gajasimha etc. 159 His grants to the Vishnu shrine at
Tirupati figure in the inscriptions at Tirupati. He made cash award to our
temple in A.D. 1544. 1G0

2. Surappa Ndyaka : He was probably the same as Adaippam Surappa-Nayaka,

the son of Pottu or Pottappa Nayaka of Kasyapa-gotra, Apastambha sutra and
yajus-saki. He seems to have been an agent ( Karyakarta ) of Sadasiva and
exercised authority over Tiruvad i-r ajya or South Arcot region, where he did
numerous benefactions to temples of Ennayiram, Sembedu etc. 161 He pur-
chased a village and donated it to this temple in A.D. 1548. 162

3. Rangayyasdla Maharaja : He is described as the son of Chalikyadeva Chola-

Maharaya of Kasyapa-gotra, Apastambha sutra and of Solar race. 163 The
income from a village was entrusted to him for making certain offerings in
the temple. This was in A.D. 1551-

4. Tiruppadiraja * He gave a grant to the temple for the merit of his parents,
Mahamandaleswara Chinnayyadeva Maharaja and Akkamma. 364 Probably,
the former is to be identified with Chinna Timmayyadeva-Maharaja, the
third son of Pottapati-Timmaraja of the Aravldu family who was in charge
of the Chandragiri rajya. 163

5. Ramaraju Chinna Timmayyadeva Maharaja : A record dated A.D. 1549 says

that he was to conduct all charities. 366 His agent Gopinayaningaru gave gifts
in his merit. 167 His two Dalavays, Kuppa Nayakar and Timmaraja, also
gave gifts. 167a

6. Dalavdy Timmaraja : He was an agent under Mahamandaleswara Ramaraja

Chinna Timmaraja who had his headquarters at Sengalinirpatru Sirmai (the
modern Chingleput town). He gave a village in his province as gift to
Varadaraja temple. 168

7. Ramaraja , son of Mahamandaleswara Chikkayyaraja of Araviti : As the name

itself implies he belongs to the Aravldu family. He is stated to have been in
charge of the conduct of annual festivals at Kanchi. 169 This record is datable
to A.D. 1558.

8. Rayasam Venkatadri : Mentioned as son of Mosilanadugu Timmaraja. He

was assigned the income from certain villages on interest for providing
offerings. 170 From the T.T.D. inscriptions we know that Venkatadri was
the grandson of Mosalimadugu Viramaraja of Haritasa-gotra, Apastambha-
sutra and yajus-saki. Venkatadri served Achyutaraya as his rayasam or
secretary while his father Timmaraja was a minister of the crown during the
same reign. 171 From Tirupati inscriptions we know that both father and
son continued to serve Sadasiva and made large gifts to the Tirupati
temple. 172

9. Raja Ramaraju Ay y an : An inscription dated § 1466 (A.D. 1544) mentions

certain charities made for his merits. 173 Aliya Ramaraja was often referred
to in inscriptions as Rajaramaraju Ayyam 174

32 Sri Varadarcjaswami Temple— Kanch

10. Ndgardja : Nagaraja son of Kadappai Siddharaja of Atreya-gotra and the
lunar race was the brother of Siddhiraju Sr! Rangaraya who is perhaps
identical with the agent of Yara Tirumalarajayya who was in charge of the
Kondavldu area. 175

Thus, so far as this temple was concerned, it was a bright period as it received
large benefactions from the nobles and chieftains in the form of money, lands and
villages for conducting many festivals like Garden-festival, repairs to the Porramarai
tank, maintenance of flower gardens and for conducting charities.

Tirumala (A.D. 15704571)

“Talikotta”, it has been truly said, “was the climacteric but not the grand climac-
teric' 9 . The capital city Vijayanagar was no doubt sacked and reduced to ruins. The
empire received the rude shock from the Muslim confederates. But the imperial
authority continued to be a force in South Indian politics for another half a century.
It still continued its resistance power and patronage of the

Hindu religion. 176 #

Tirumala attempted to re-establish the capital of Vijayanagar, but failed because,
the Regent of Sadasiva shifted his capital from 'Vijayanagar to Penugonda in 1567.
After three years, king Sadasiva was killed by Tirumala’s son. Then Tirumala
usurped the throne and assumed the title “Reviver of the Decadent Karnataka
Empire’ 5 . He was the first ruler of the Aravidu line of kings. One of the impor-
tant acts of Tirumala was the division of his kingdom into three viceroyalties as a
step to counteract the expansionist activity of the Muslim powers on the northern
provinces. He appointed each of his sons as viceroy of a province. Thus, Srlranga,
the eldest son, was put in charge of the Telugu country with his capital at Udayagiri;
his second son Rama Raja II in charge of the Kannada country with his capital at
Srirangapatna (near Mysore); the youngest son Venkatapati in charge of the Tamil
country with the capital at Chandragiri. Tirumala was a scholar and author. He
patronised poets and was an ardent devotee of the Lord of Tirupati where his
bronze statue is kept.

■' Srlranga I (A.D. 1572-1585)

Shortly after this reorganisation of his empire, Tirumala died and was succeeded
by his first son Srlranga I in A.D. 1572. Five inscriptions of Srlranga are found at
the Varadarajaswami temple, their dates ranging from § 1493 to § 1504. An
inscription records gift of 5 villages by the temple authorities for conducting festivals
in the month of Vaigasi for the merit of Achyutappa Nayaka, son of Adaippan
Sinna Sevappa Nayaka who is evidently a Nayak ruler of Tanjavur (380 of 1919,
SJ.TJ. No. 369). From two inscriptions (383 and 479 of 1919), we learn that orders
pertaining to the worship festivals in the temple etc , were given in the name of
VenkatapatidSva-Maharaja, who was presumably Venkata II who was in charge of
Chandragiri rajya in a subordinate viceroyalty during his elder brother Sriranga’s
reign from Penugonda. These inscriptions also inform us that during this time,
Ettur Kumara Tatacharya was managing the affairs of the temple. Sriranga’s
reign witnessed some more incursions of the Muslim powers into Vijayanagar king-
dom. The territory north of Penugonda was occupied by the Sultan of Bijapur,

Political Background 33

while the important portions of the province of Udayagiri like the districts of
Guntur, Cuddapah, Kurnool, Bellary and Nellore were conquered by the Sultan of
Golkonda. 177 Sriranga’s capital Penugonda was itself threatened. In the midst of
such trying circumstances, Srlranga I died in A.D. 1585 and was succeeded by
his younger brother Venkata II.

Venkata II (A.D. 1586-1614)

The reign of Venkata, which lasted nearly three decades, was marked by a
revival of strength and prosperity of the empire. His capital was at Chandragiri.
He attacked the Muslim army of the Deccan successfully and recovered many of
the territories like Udayagiri which had been lost to them by his predecessors. He
also overcame many internal troubles within the empire. 173 From 1606Vellore
became his second capital. 179

Inscriptions of Venkata II ranging between S 1509 and S 1527 i.e., from A.D.
1587 to 1605, are found in Sri Varadarajaswami temple and they are not of any
particular importance except that they mention the local agents or representatives
giving grant to the temple. EttUr Kumara Tatachariar is mentioned as the manager
of the temple and one Visva-Pundita was his agent. 180 Two other inscriptions
mention one Periatirumalainambi Chakkarayar, agent of the Tatacharya. 181
Tatacharya was the preceptor of Venkata II and was the manager of many temples
at Kahchi and elsewhere.

Venkata II died in 1614 and a bitter civil war ensued soon after in which his
rightful nominee, Sriranga was put to death by the rebel group. But the loyalists
headed by Yachama crowned Sriranga’s son Ramadeva who ruled till AD. 1630.
His inscriptions have been found in places like Chingleput, North Arcot Districts, 182
though none in our temple. Ramadeva was succeeded by Venkata III who ruled
between A.D. 1630-1642. He is represented in our collection by a Telugu inscrip-
tion dated § 1564 (A.D. 1642). 183 It mentions gift by one Tamappa or Tammi
Bhupati, son of Chinna Krishna. His inscriptions too have been found in other
parts of Chingleput District. 184

Venkata III (1630-1642)

The political condition prevailing in the Vijayanagar empire round about A.D.
1630 at the accession of Venkata III, can briefly be outlined here. The Vijayanagar
empire became a shadow of its former self, crippled in territorial extent and power.
The separation of the viceroyalty of Srirangapattinam and the formation of kingdom of
Mysore under Raja Odayar had already abridged the size and the revenues of the em-
pire. Immediately to the north of it, was the chieftainship of Ikkeri or KSladi compris-
ing the districts, extending from the Western Ghats right upto Harihar. The area east
of it constituted a separate province with its headquarters at Penugonda Ikkeri and
Penugonda regions were almost at the frontiers of the Bijapur territory. In the Tamil
country, the Vijayanagar empire became parcelled out among its viceroyalties like the
Nayaks of Madurai, Thanjavur and Gingee owing only nominal allegiance to their
Vijayanagar overlord, but often working against the latter.

Pedda Venkata ruled between A.D. 1630 and 1642. Along with him was nomi-
nated his nephew Srlranga as the governor of Chandragiri. This further divided the

34 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple — Kafichi

loyalties of the officers and the people. Venkata probably had his residence at Vel-
lore. The territories around Kahchi, Poonamallee (Pundamalli), Chingleput, and
modem city of Madras and upto Wand i wash, were directly under Venkata III. In the
conduct of administration the latter had to take the assistance of the two influential
officers Damarla Venkata and Damarla Ayyappa. These were the two sons of
Chenna, the famous general of Venkata II and they belonged to the Velugoti family of
Kalahasti. During Venkata Ill’s time Venkatappa and Ayyappa were in charge of
Wandiwash and Poonamallee respectively and as such wielded great influence with the
king. 185 It was these two Damarla brothers who offered the present site of the Fort
St. George, Madras, to the English East India Company in A.D. 1639 for their
settlement. The English in their records gratefully refer to Damarla Venkatappa
Nayaka, the elder and the more influential of the brothers as the 'Lord General of
the Carnatic 5 and ‘Grant Vazier’. 186

But Venkata III seems to have been only the nominal Vijayanagar emperor. The
region round Chandragiri fell to the share of his nephew Srlranga, whose territory
bordered on that of the Golkonda and hence had to bear the brunt of the Golkonda
attacks from the north-west. Srlranga did this important task and was largely
responsible for guarding the fortress of the Vijayanagar empire. Golkonda launched
the policy of expansion towards south and its army advanced right upto Venkatagiri
and Armagon, as attested by the company correspondence at Pulicat. But they were
beaten back by Srlranga 5 s forces which cut short their southern movement. Srl-
ranga had a clear policy m checking the Golkonda aggression. But, unfortunately,
he did not have the hearty co-operation from the principal officers of the empire. The
Damarla brothers were not favourably disposed towards him. The Nayaks of
Gingee, Thanjavur and Madurai did not rally round and were pulling in different
directions.

Srlranga III

Venkata died in 1642 and Srlranga was raised to the imperial throne in spite
of opposition from many chiefs including the Damarla brothers. The Golkonda army
had advanced upto Pulicat and even laid siege to it. But Srlranga showed
great courage, beat them back and checked their advance. The condition
of South India in about 1642-43 is admirably summed up in a letter of Fort
St. George dated Jan. 4, 1643 : "This country being all in broils, the old king

of Karnataka dead. So is the Nayak of Armagon, whose country is all in the hands
of the Moors and who will ere long by all likelihood be masters of all this
country. 5 ’ 187 The mention of Moors in this letter is obviously a reference to the
Golkonda army which was advancing but which was temporarily driven back by
Srlranga.

Golkonda and Bijapur armies invade

The siege of Pulicat conducted by Mallai was cut short by the invasion of the
Muslim forces of the Golkonda and Bijapur who had now overrun a considerable part
of Sriranga's dominion. The forces from Pulicat front had therefore to be withdrawn
for opposing the Muslim invaders 168 But even Mallai’s troops could not stem the
tide of the Muslim invasion. By about 1 645 the combined forces of Bijapur and

Political Background 35

Golkonda laid siege to Vellore, the seat of Sriranga’s residence. In this war, the
latter was defeated decisively and his royal residence was occupied by the Muslim
forces. SrTranga had to seek refuge in flight, leaving his defence operations to Mallai
who only proved treacherous to his overlord. According to the Fort St. George
letter despatch dated February 1645/1646 he surrendered 4 ‘the strongest hold in the
kingdom to Mir Jummla, upon composition to himself and all his people to go
free.” 189 Another letter dated 9th October of the same year informs us that the
General of the Golkonda “hath almost conquered this kingdom and reigneth as king
under the title Annabob” (i e., Nawab). 190 After this, Mir Jumla continued his
march towards Gin gee and captured it with the help of Bijapur to whom it was
ultimately given in A.D. 1649. After this Srlranga made some feeble attempts to
reinstate himself. But again he was betrayed by his own chiefs — this time Koneri
Chetty, the commander who went over to side of Mir Jumla now backed up by the
Mughal. Mir Jumla’s forces were led by Tuppakki Krishnappa. Sriranga’s forces
were ambushed by the latter and defeated in October 1658. Thus, there was confu-
sion in the political situation and places were changing hands quickly which made
English Company’s servants at Fort St. George even think of abandoning their settle-
ment at Madras (letter dated November 1661). Between years 1661 and 1664, the
Golkonda forces succeeded gradually in dislodging the officers of Mir Jumla and
taking possession of all the territory under his control including those which were
under Sriranga’s control. This led to the definite establishment of the Golkonda
authority in the region known as the Carnatic extending from the coast down to the
borders of the highlands and from Golkonda down to Madras. 191 In 1645, Srlranga
retired to Tirupati and that was the end of the Vijayanagar kingdom. 192

Paucity of Inscriptions at the Varadarajaswami temple

The political confusion and uncertainty that prevailed in the region was proba-
bly the reason for the paucity of inscriptions of this time at the Varadarajaswami
temple. Even in a few of these that occur, the usual mention of the reigning king
is omitted. For example, in an epigraph dated S 1581 corresponding to A.D. 1659,
the name of the ruling king or dynasty is omitted. But this epigraph is valuable
in so far as it mentions the troublous times through which the temple passed. It
records that one Venkatadri, son of Dharmayya of Kottapalji, was given certain
honours and privileges in recognition of his services to the temple in running the
administration during the difficult times of Muslim ( Turukkar ) invasion. 193 The
reference is obviously to the incursious of the Golkonda forces. Even inscriptions of
this temple dated A.D. 1677 or A.D. 1687 do not mention the ruling king, 194 or the
dynasty evidently because the authorities who were in charge of recording the transac-
tions preferred to be non-committal in the fast-changing political developments. But
an outline of the political condition of this area, as known from other sources, can be
given here.

Kanchi under the Golkonda

By about A.D. 1672, the supremacy of the Gblkonda power became established
in the Tondaimandalam region or the Carnatic. Abdulla Kutub Shah, the Sultan of
Golkonda, even issued fqrman to East India Co., at Madras confirming the privileges

36 Sri Varadardjaswam i Temple — Kanchi

given to tliem earlier. 195 At this time, Kaffchipuram formed part of the province
of Pundamalli, which was directly under an officer named Podelle Lingappa. Of
the two Brahmin ministers of Golkonda, Madanna and Akkanna, the former appoin-
ted his nephew Podelle Lingappa as a Collector of rents for the province of Punda-
malh. Kanchipuram came under this province. His headquarters seem to have
been at Kanchipuram also for some time. He is said to have constructed a few
streets and some minor temples at Kanchi. One of the streets still goes by his
name , 196 In 1674, Abdulla Kutub Shah was succeeded by his son-in-law Abdul
Hasan Qutub Shah, the last Golkonda Nawab. In 1675, the Nawab lost all grip
over the administration and left the direction of the affairs to his ministers and
subordinate officers. The effect was felt at Madras in so far as Lingappa governor
of Pundamalli assumed greater powers and came into clash with the English at
Madras. 197

The Mahratta army at Kanchi, 1676

In 1676, the Mahratta army under Sivaji moved into the Carnatic country.
The English council at Madras reported that Sivaji, with the support of the king of
Golkonda, was marching to sack and recapture Gingee, which was under the
Bijapur. He sacked Gingee and laid siege to Vellore and even went upto Thanjavur
and left his brother Ekoji alias Venkaji as ruler of Thanjavur. In August 1678,
Abdulla Khan, the commander of the Bijapur forces in the Vellore castle surrendered
to Sivaji’s forces after a siege. In October of the same year, he made himself the
master of the advanced territory. In 1678, Sivaji’s forces were at Kanchipuram on
their way to capture Pundamalli, the headquarters of Lingappa and then lay siege
to the English fort at Madras. This is clearly expressed in the Fort St. George Diary
dated 21st August 1678, which says :

“Yesterday there came intelligence from Conjeevaram (which is the chief city of these parts,
about 40 miles distance), that there was 1000 or 1500 of Sevajee’s horsemen under the com-
mand cf Santojee, his brother, which appeared before the place. Wherefore the inhabitants were
put mto great fears, thinking the town would be taken and plundered. And they reported also
that those horse, and with other forces, now intended to proceed further into the king of Gol-
konda’s country and to take Pummallee castle, about 10 miles in land from us. But this day
came under other persons from Conjeevaram who reported that those horse of Sevajee about
1000 came thither in pursuit of some Vijapore fort that were intended to relieve and succour
Veloor castle which hath been besieged by the Sevajee’s forces these 14 months. ..The said castle
of Yeloor is now surrendered to Sevajee’s forces..." 198

The possible invasion of Sivaji’s forces terrorised the English at Madras. But
somehow Sivaji suddenly changed plans and turned towards Mysore. All his further
designs of conquest came to a sudden end by his premature death in 1680. He was
succeeded by his son Sambaji.

Kanchi under the Moghuls

Just as the old Hindu State of Vijayanagar succumbed to the Golkonda army
forty years before, the effete dynasty of the Qutub Shahs now fell before the vic-
torious Moghuls. Aurangazeb, the Moghul emperor, was determined to conquer and
annex the two kingdoms of Golkonda and Bijapur. In the years 1686 and 1687,
Aurangazeb invaded Bijapur and Golkonda and conquered them. The Moghul army

Political Background 37

continued its march down to the Carnatic. In October 1687, news reached the Fort
St. George that the Golkonda stronghold had yielded after protracted siege and the
king was a prisoner. The next few days brought the news that the Moghul forces
had come as far south as Kanchipuram and that the Moghul flag was hoisted on the
fort at Pundamalli.

During this time, one ‘Potty Cawn’ (Fath-Khan) was appointed Subhedar of the
Kanchipuram area with his headquarters at Chmgleput. 199 The Moghul army pene-
trated further south. But Sambaji, the son and successor of Sivaji, took up army
against the Moghuls in the Deccan and prepared to resist their incursions into Gingee
territory. He sent a force into the Carnatic under his general named Santoji Rau to
fight the Moghuls. Early in 1688, an action was fought at Kanchipuram between the
Moghul forces and Santoji in which the latter was worsted. The Mahratta army
consisted of 2,000 horses and 5000 footmen and this war did considerable damage to
the city of Kanchi. 200 Late in 1689, Aurangazeb captured Sambaji, the Mahratta
king and tortured him to death. Sambaji’s brother Raja Ram Maharaja was made
the king of the Mahrattas at Gingee. 201

Kanchi under the Nawabs of the Carnatic, the viceroys of the Moghuls

Having thus conquered the two kingdoms of Golkonda and Bijapur and inflicted
a heavy blow to the Mahratta power, the Moghul power under Aurangazeb became
supreme in the Deccan and South India upto Trichinopoly. Aurangazeb demanded
allegiance from the other Indian States like Mysore and Madurai. Resistance came
from the Nayak of Gingee, but this was put down by Aurangazeb’s able general
Zulfikar Khan, after a long and arduous siege. With the fall of Gingee, the southern
province of the Moghuls was established with Zulfikar as the chief. He was called
the Nawab of the Carnatic. Sometime later, Zulfikar’s services were wanted else-
where and so, he had to leave for Delhi. He left behind him his lieutenant Daud
Khan in charge. Daud Khan resided for some time in Gingee and then in Arcot,
which later on became the capital of the Carnatic. His own civil officer, Sayyad
Muzafar, became Nawab in his turn as Sadat-Ullah-Khan of Arcot in 1710. Orme con-
sidered him as the first regular and acknowledged Nabob of the Carnatic. But as
pointed out by Crole, this is a mistake for he did not differ in this respect from his
predecessor. 202 The only distinction is that with him a hereditary character was
given to the office.

Image of Varadaraja removed from Kafichi : A.D. 1688

What was the condition of the Kanchi city and Sri Varadarajaswami temple there-
in ? The whole of the 17th century was indeed an unfortunate period in the history
of the Carnatic. It was characterised by political uncertainty, instability and the
consequent break in the administration of the land. Constant warfare, the extortions
of the local Nayaks and each victor trying to exploit the maximum he could within
his short time, plunged the people in great misery and poverty. As Crole remarks
“there was no one to take up their (people’s) cause. They silently suffered and not
a record remains among them of the horrors of that time.” 203 This horror was never
greater than on the eve of the Moghul invasion of the South in 1688, already mention-
ed. Kanchipuram, in common with several other important centres of South India, felt

38 Sri VaradardjaswZtmi Temple — Kafichi

the shock of the iconoclastic zeal of Aurangazeb. His zeal for destroying the Hindu
temples and idols seems to have been already widely known at Kanchipuram. So,
the authorities of the three prominent temples of the city (Varadaraja, Ekamresvara
and Kamakshi temples), apprehending desecration at the hands of the invaders,
disguised the images of the temple Gods and conveyed them secretly out of the town.
The images of Lord Varadaraja and His consorts found an asylum in the jungles of
Udayarpalayam in the Tiruchirapalli District. But in A.D. 1710, when the danger
was past and Kanchi considered safe, attempts were made to bring the deities back.
But the local chieftain of Udayarpalayam refused to part with the images with which
he was enraptured. At this time, an influential SrI-Vaishnava ascetic or Jiyar named
Srlmat Paramahamsa Parivrajakacharya Attan Jiyar caused his disciple Lala Todar-
malla to intercede. The latter terrorised the chief with a strong contingent of troops
and safely brought back the image and reinstalled it with great pomp and splendour.
This is recorded in a long inscription found on a slab erected in the temple near the
Tayar shrine dated S 1632 corresponding to A.D. 17 10. 204 This incident is even
today commemorated in an annual festival called ‘Udaiyarpalayam-festivalh This
person, Attan Jiyar alias Srinivasadasa was a relative of Akkanna and Madanna, the
two influential Brahmin ministers of the Golkonda kingdom. He came down to
Kanchi probably in the wake of Aurangazeb’s attack on Golkonda. In a copper-
plate grant dated 5 years later than the above one i.e., S 1636 (A.D. 1714-15), the
same Srinivasadasa is mentioned as a guru of Raja Todarmalla and that he granted five
villages to the temple near Chidambaram. Raja Todarmalla was a General under
Sa-adet-ulla-khan, the Nawab of Carnatic. He took a leading part in the capture of
Gingee. 205

The Attan Jiyar inscription mentioned above is dated in the reign of Sadat-Ullab-
Khan who became the Nawab of Arcot in A.D. 1710. Under him and his successor
Dost Alifor a period of almost 30 years, there was some peace and good administra-
tion in the Carnatic. Perhaps that is the reason why the restoration of the images
was undertaken m A.D. 1710, the moment the political confusion ended. The rule
of Sadat-Ullah-Khan over Kanchipuram is again attested by another inscription at
Sri Varadaraja dated § 1645 (A.D. 1723-24), which mentions him as Nabob
Sadulla Khan Bahadur the governor of the Carnatic province under the Alamgir
Pasha Mahmad, the Moghul Emperor at Delhi. 206 Sadat-Ullah-Khan ruled as
Nawab until 1732 when he was succeeded by his nephew Dost Ali.

The inscription mentioned above which is dated 1723 is the last one in this temple
in point of time. For the rest of the period, Kanchi shared the political fate of the
area known as the Carnatic which was sacked in turn by the Mahrattas in 1724 and
1740 and by the forces of Nizam of Hyderabad in 1742. Later, it featured in the
Carnatic Wars and was even raided by the French and the English. The latter under
Clive captured the considerable tract on the north of Palar including Kanchi on
behalf of Muhammed Ali, the Nawab of the Carnatic. The EkambarSsvara Temple,
referred to as the ‘Great Pagoda’ in the English records, seems to have served
alternatively as the citadel of the contending army in 1763. The English got from
theNawab the district of Chingleput (including Kanchipuram) almost by compulsion
for the expenses of the war with the French. It was known as the ‘Jaghir’. This
was the first tract of the country of the Carnatic where the Company’s authority was

Political Background 39

felt, though here too it was only indirect in the beginning. On the outbreak of the
II Mysore war (1780) with Hyder Ali, it came under direct control of the East
India Company. First it was placed under the committee of assigned revenues.
In 1786, the committee was abolished. In 1788, the ‘Jaghir’ was divided into two
divisions called northern and the southern and placed under two Collectors.
In 1794, the jaghir came to be known as the Chingleput District, which included the
present districts of Chingleput and Madras. Kanchi continues to be in the District
of Chingleput.

NOTES

1. Dr. S.K. Iyengar : Introduction to R.
Gopalan’s “The Pallavas of Kanchi (1928),
pp. XV and XVII.

2. K.A.N. Sastri, Cholas, pp. 129-132.

3. S.I.I. Ill, p. 269.

4. Ibid , p. 288, n. 5.

5. S 1 1. Ill, p. 423.

6. Ibid , p. 73.

7. 519 of 1919.

8. K.A.N. Sastri, op. cit., p. 273.

9. K.A.N. Sastri, op. cit p. 323. The pra-
iasti of the epigraph {S.I.I. IV, 445)
records the war as a personal achievement
of Kulottunga I.

10. S II. No. IV, 862.

11. M. Raghava Iyengar: Araichi Toguthi
(Tamil, Madras, 1964), pp. 428-430.

12. 49 of 1893 (S.I.I., IV, No. 862), 631,
632 and 635 of 1919.

13. 22 of 1890; 18 of 1893; 36 of 1888 etc.

14. 39 of 1921.

15. 632 of 1919.

16. S.I.I., II, 55, K.A.N. Sastri, op.cit , p-180.

17. K.A.N. Sastri, Natalokavira in his Studies
in Chola History and Administration ,
Madras, 1932, pp. 183-185 and also p. 188.

18. For full details of his various military
exploits and the significance of the titles
see ibid.

19. 33 of 1893; 436, 440, 471, 516, 518, 520
and 590 of 1919.

20. 406 of 1919.

21. See Chapter V for more details.

22. 465 and 389 of 1919.

23. K.A.N. Sastri, op. cit., p. 366.

24. 48 of 1893; S.I.I . IV, No. 861. This is
on the 3rd pidkdra according to the
scheme adopted in this thesis though it is
mentioned as second in the Ep. Report.

25. S.I.I. Ill, No. 88.

26. See Appendix HI.

27. 589 of 1919.

28. 493 and 487 of 1919.

29. 620 of 1919.

30. 456 of 1919.

31. 494 of 1919.

32. 554 of 1919.

33. K.A.N. Sastri, op. cit., pp. 421-422; Ep.
Ind. VII, pp. 160 ff.

34. K.R. Venkataraman, The Hoysalas in
the Tamil Country , pp. 17 and 27.

35. Appendix III.

36. Ep. Car. V, No. 211 -b.

37. K.A.N. Sastri, op. cit., pp. 437 and 438.

38. 404, 408, 369 and 366 and 397 of 1919.

39. 404 of 1919.

40. 408 and 397 of 1919.

Dandanayaka or Dannayaka was the
Hoysala official of the higher grade
with wide civil and military powers (cf.
J. Duncan M. Derret, The Hoysalas,
Madras, 1957), p. 188.

41. 369 and 366 of 1919.

42. 397 and 404 and 615 of 1919.

43. 612 of 1919.

44. 602 of 1919.

45. K A.N. Sastri has identified Manmu Sid-
dha I with Nalla Siddha, Cholas , p 388;
contra Sewel, HIS I, p. 130.

46. 456 of 1919.

47. K.A.N. Sastri, op. cit,, p. 390,

48. Ep. Ind. VII. p. 152 ff.

49. R. Sewel, op. cit., p. 396.

50. Appendix III. See both under Rajaraja III
and Tikka I.

51. 446 of 1919.

52. R. Sewel, op. cit., p. 140.

53. 34 of 1893 (§ 1157).

54. 432, 434 of 1919; 463.

55. 446, 416, 395, 357 etc. of 1919.

56. S.I.I. IV, No. 851.

57. 621 and 620 of 1919.

58. 46 of 1893; S.I.I. IV, No, 859.

59. 416 of 1919.

60. 345 of 1919.

61. 570 of 1919.

40 Sri Voradara jas w&rni Temple — Kittle hi

62. 607 of 1919.

63. 609 of 19 19.

64. 415 of 1919.

65. Ep. Car. VI, Kd. 100, K.A.N. Sastri, op.
cit., p. 434 and note 81 and 82.

66. 2 of 1893 and 26 of 1890; I.A. XII 122 and
197 ff.

67. R. Sewel, op. at , p 148.

68- 580 of 1907; ARE 1908 II, 75.

69. R. Sewel, op. at., p. 148.

70. See Appendix III.

71. 353, 450 of 1919, 38 of 1890; 350 of 1919.

72. 538, 393, 571 and 343 of 1919. (all from
Varadarajaswami temple, Kanchi).

73. R. Sewel, op. cit , p. 152.

74. Ibid, pp. 154-155. The Pandya king claims
to have killed a Telugu-Choda chief
“Gandagopala”. There is considerable
difficulty in identifying this chief,
because this title was common to many
of them. One thing is certain that
he could not have been Tribhuvana-
chakravarthi Gandagopata, for we find
his inscriptions coming right upto 1291.
It might have been Tikka I.

75. Appendix III.

76. 568 of 1919.

77. ARE 1920 of p. 118.

78. 39 of 1893; S LI IV, No. 852.

79. 538, 393, 503 of 1919; 36 of 1890

80. K.A.N. Sastri . A History oj South India ,
p. 207.

81. R. Sewel, op. cit., pp. 171 and 396.

82. Ibid, p. 171; 603 of 1919.

83. Ep. Ind. VII, 128; R. Sewel, op. cit., p. 172.
A theory of two Kopperufijmgas, father
and son, bearing the same name has also
been put forward and also different
versions are held about his relations with
the Pandyas. Refer K.A.N. Sastri, Cholas\
R. Satyanatha Iyer, The Kadavaraya Prob-
lem m Dr. S.K. Iyengar's Commemorative
Volume ; V. Vridhegirisan, The Kadava -
rayas in Journal of Indian History, vol.
XVI, 137-160; and views of S. Soma-
sundara Desikar, J I.H. , vol. XVII, pt. 3.

84. K.A.N. Sastri, op. cit., p. 430.

85. 353 of 1919.

86. 353, 450 of 1919; 38 of 1890; 365 and
356 of 1919 respectively.

87. JMU , X, p. 56.

88. 350.

89. 350 and 365 of 1919; cf. K.V. Raman :
The Nilagangarayans in the Madras Region
in The Early History of the Madras

Region, Appendix II.

90. 450 of 1919.

91. 444 and 445 of 1919; Ep. Ind. VII, pp 95

ff.

92. Ibid.

93. Ibid.

94. Ibid, pp. 100-102.

95. K.A.N. Sastri : A History of South India ,
pp. 207-208.

96. 64 of 1927.

97. 52 of 1893; 485, 486 and 488 of 1919.

98. 488 cf 1919.

99. 485 of 1919.

100. 483 of 1919.

101. R. Sewel, op. cit., p. 150.

K.A.N. Sastri, Pandyan Kingdom , p. 175.

102. Supra.

103. 592 of 1907; R. Sewel, op. cit., p. 65.

104. R. Sewel, op. cit., pp. 165-175.

105. S.K. Iyengar : South India and Her

Muhammadan Invaders , p. 74 ff.

106. K.A.N. Sastri : A History of South India ,

p 220.

107. 34 of 1890; Ep. Ind. IV, No. 145.

108. Ep. Ind. VIII, 8, ARE 1911, u. 79.

109. Ep Ind. VII, pp, 128/132; Hultzh, the
editor of the epigraph, rightly surmises
that Manavlra was probably a member
of the Gandagopata family which was
connected with Kanchi.

110. Dr. N.V. Ramanayya has pointed that
since the Velugotivarivamsdvah mentions
that Muppudu Nayaka defeated the
Pancha Pandyas and captured Kanchi, the
latter was probably under the Pandyas
who might have recaptured the city from
the Chera king Ravivarman Kulasekhara.
Velugotivarivamsavali (1939, Madras, p. 7).

111. 401 of 1919; 5777, 1, No. 397.

112. 572 and 585 of 1919.

113. Derret, The Hoysalas, op. cit., p. 173.

114. 620 of 1919.

115. 566 of 1919.

116. 51 of 1893; Ep. Ind. Ill, p. 71.

117. 604 and 524 of 1919.

118. 523 of 1919.

119. 357 of 1929 , 213 of 1912, 213 and 214 of
1901.

120. S.K. Tyengar’s Sources of Vijayanagar
History, p. 23 ff.

121. 573 and 585 of 1919.

122. 5.7.7. 1, 117, 120, 123.

123. 33 of 1890.

124. 152 of 1923; 210 of 1912 etc. R. Sewel,
op. cit., pp. 197-198.

Political Background 41

125. 31 and 32 of 1890.

126. 66 1 of 1919.

127. SITI, I, 350 (dated S 1300= A.D. 1378).

328. R. Sewel, pp. 208-211, Bukka II’s inscrip-
tions at Kafichi dated 1406 found at
Kanchi(12of 3893).

129. 367 of 1911,215 of 1910, 226 and 272 of
1912.

130. 634 of 1919; M. Venkataramanayya,
Vclugothamsavali , op. cit pp. 35-36.

131. K A.N. Sastri and M. Venkataramanayya*
Further Sources of Vijayanagar History,
vol. I, p. 120.

332. 37 of 1890.

333. 658 and 613 of 1919.

134. MER, 1906-7, p 56.

135. Fmshta, Scotts’ Edition I, pp, 166-167.

136. S.K Iyengar, Sources , pp. 89-106; Sastri
and Venkataramanayya, Further Sources
cf Vijoyanagar History , Vol. I, pp. 137-138.

137. ARE 19 10, para 54.

138. See Chapter V for fuller details.

339. 667 and 648 of 1919.

140. 601 of 1919.

141. N. Venkataramanayya : Studies in the His-
tory of the Third Dynasty of Vijayanagar ,
p. 449.

142. 474 and 533 of 1919

343. 478, 513 and 569 of 1919.

344 418 of 1939.

145. 413 of 1919.

146. 414 of 1919

147. 474 of 1919.

148. ARE 1920, pp. 112-113, 641 of 1919.

149. See Appendix HI.

150. 584 of 1919.

151. 546, 543 and 511 of 1919.

152. Dr. S.K. Iyengar, Sources, pp. 158-170.

153. Ibid .

154. 182 of 1929-30.

155. S.K. Iyengar, Sources , p. 12.

156. 498 of 1919.

157. Appendix III.

158. Fr. Heras : The Aravidu Dynasty , pp.
31-32.

159. ARE 1920, p 114.

360. 528 of 1919.

161. TDER, I,pp. 272-273.

162. 482 of 1919.

163. 504 of 1919.

164. 580 of 1919.

165. TDER, I, p. 261.

166. 507 of 1919.

167. 527 of 1919.

167a. 592 and 591 of 1919.

1 68. Ibid.

169. 535 of 1919.

170. 534 of 1919.

171. Ep. Ind. Vol. Ill, p. 151.

372. TDER , pp. 269-271.

373. 4S4 of 1919.

174. ARE 1912, para 58.

175. ARE , 1920, p. 115.

376. R. Satyanatha Iyer A Political and Cultu-
ral History of India, Vol. II, pp. 294-295.

177. R Satyanatha Iyer, op. cit , p 298.

178. K.A.N Sastri and N. Venkataramanayya,
Fw the r Sources of Vijayanagar History ,
I,p. 321 ff.

179. R. Satyanatha Iyer, op. cit., p. 299.

180. 421,381 and 382 of 1919.

181. 499 of 1919.

182. R. Sewel, op. cit., p 273.

183. 502 of 1919.

384. 201 of 1922.

185. S K. Iyengar, Sources, p. 21 and 304.

186. H D. Love, Vestiges of Old Madras , Vol. I.

187. Quoted by H D Love, op. cit., Vol. I, pp.
53-54.

188. Ibid.

189. Fort St. George to Surat O.C. No. 1974,
21st January 164516, quoted by Love, op.
cit., Vol I,p. 73.

190. H D. Love, op cit., p. 76.

191. O C. No. 2046, 9th October 1647, quoted
by H.D. Love, op cit , p. 76 ff.

192. S K Iyengar, History of Tirupa’i, pp.
245-248.

193. 507 of 1919; S.l.I. I, No. 388, Tumka
avantaritile sthalam nirvagichu.

194. 398 of 1919

195. Love, Vestiges, I, pp. 90-91.

196. Crole, op. cit , p. 118.

197. Ibid , p. 355.

198 P.C. Vol. II, 21st August 1678, quoted by
Love, Vestiges, Vol. I, p. 357.

199 Love, op. cit., pp. 513-14.

200 P.C. Vol. XIV dated 27th April 1688,
Love, op cit., p. 518.

201 R. Sswel, op. cit , p. 289.

202 Crole, Manual, p. 150.

203 Ibid.

204 Crole, Manual, p. 317, on the basis of
wrong calculation assigned this epigraph
to A.D. 1799 and held that the images
were secretly removed for fear of Hyder
Ali's invasion of Kanchi m 1780. But
actually, the epigraph is dated A.D. 1710
and as it refers to the reinstallation of
the images, the removal of them should

42 SH VaradarSjaswami Temple— Kdnchl

have taken place much earlier. Moreover,
the reference to Raja Tsdarmalla is an-
other clear proof for the earlier date (cf.
ARE 1920, p. 20).

205. C.S. Srinivasachari : A History of Gingee
and its Nayak Rulers (Annamalainagar,
1943), pp. 412-417.

206. 424 of 1919; ARE 1920, p. 123. A few
more inscriptions of the Moghul ruler
Alamgir Pasha are available in the neigh-
bourhood of Kanchi e g., 130 of 1922
found at Putted. Also see ARE 1922,
pp. 125-126.

CHAPTER III

THE LAY-OUT OF THE TEMPLE AND
SEQUENCE OF CONSTRUCTION

The purpose of this chapter is to describe the general lay-out of the Varadaraja-
swami temple and the disposition of the various shrines, mandapas and other
structures therein. The ground-plans of the structures together with their measure-
ments are given and the same are illustrated in general ground plan of the temple (Fig.
39). Like many of the big temple-complexes of South India, such as those at Sriran-
gam, Tiruvannamalai, Madurai and Chidambaram, this temple was not built all at one
time but was the result of many centuries of growth and development and therefore,
it is essential to know the sequence of construction and the probable age of each of
the enclosures and, wherever possible, of each structure therein. Inscriptions found
on the walls in situ afford interesting and valuable evidence for determining the age
of the structures. Many of them make explicit mention of the date of construction
and the person responsible for the same; while many others, though not explicit,
help us to fix the upper age-limit of a particular structure. For instance, the gopura-
entrance in the second prdkara opposite to the Narasimha shrine bears a number of
Chola epigraphs, the earliest going back to A. D. 1073. From this we can reasona-
bly infer that the gateway was either coeval with it or earlier than the date of the
epigraph, and certainly not later than that date. But, care should be taken to
see whether the earliest inscription in a particular structure is in its original position
and not built into or subjoined later. Caution is also necessary in another respect.
In this case, we cannot blindly date the superstructure over the gateway with the
help of the inscriptions found on the basement of the gateway, because we know
many examples where the stone basal portion alone was built at one time and the
brick superstructure built or rebuilt considerably later. In such cases, corroboration
from the architectural features is absolutely necessary A more detailed architectu-
ral study of this temple is reserved for another chapter, but here it is briefly mention-
ed as corroborative evidence to fix the age of a structure wherever necessary.

Some useful information is also available from the traditional Vaishnavite
literature, regarding certain shrines and prakaras, which is taken into consideration
in outlining the sequence of construction. Description of the shrines and other
structural features in the works of Manavala Mahamuni (1376-1445) and Appayya
Dlkshitar (16th century), however brief, furnish important information.

Sri Varadarajaswami temple as it stands today is a vast and impressive complex
of structures, enclosed by high and massive compound walls, all around, occupying
a rectangular plot of land 377.40 metres long and 211.65 metres broad. Thus,
it is easily one of the largest temple-complexes of South India. There are two mai n
entrances to the temple— one on the west which is the principal entrance and another

44 Sri Varadarajaswdmi Temple— Kaiichi

on the east, which is virtually closed except for a small wicket-gate opening within
the door-frame. An unusual, though not a prohibited feature, of this temple is
that the main deity is facing west and hence the gateway that is in its front has
become the principal entrance. Inside this walled enclosure is a series of concentric
courtyards, around the central nucleus— the Hastigiri ‘Hill’— on which is located the
main sanctum of Lord Varadaraja. There are thus four courtyards in the temple
and the local Sri-Vaishnavas would add the mddandhis or the main streets around the
temple as the fifth one. 1 The narrow closed passage immediately around the sanc-
tum which is known as TinminndUgai is excluded in the reckoning of the prdkaras.
The first enclosure which is on the ‘hill’ is named Vayyamaligai; the second is called
the Senayarkontirumut ram; the third Yamunafturaivar-tirumui ram and the fourth or
the last is known as Ahar-pradakshinam (see Fig. 39, General Plan).

The first prakara which is on the Hastigiri ‘Hill’ comprises of the garbhagriha
with its forward complements like the antarala and two axial walled mandapas and
a pillared mahdmandapa (G.P. Nos. 1 to 9). 2 The garbhagriha is a square cella (3x3
sq. metres) with the miilabhera of Lord Varadaraja standing majestically in the rear
half. A narrow antarala or vestibule connects the sanctum to the closed mandapa
(3.30 x 1.60 metres) in its front. There is a beautiful dvitala vimana of th osala (waggon
vault) type over the sanctum. 3 It is called the Punyakoti-vimana , which is taken
to signify the bestowal of countless benefits on the devotee who sees and worships it.
In front of the mukhamandapa and 1.53 metres lower than the floor-level of the
sanctum, is the eight-pillared rectangular mahdmandapa (11.15 X 4.60 metres). It is
a closed hall of granite masonry with its entrance leading us out into the first
ambulatory which runs around the entire complex described above. This ambula-
tory is a closed pillared verandah which now affords the devotee the pradakshinapa -
tha or passage around the sanctum. This is known as the vayyamaligai This term
is mentioned both in the Guruparamparai of Pinbaligia-Perumal-Jiyar (13th century)
and an inscription dated A.D. 1560. 4 The word Vayyamaligai means the mansion or
house on this earth. According to the conception of the Sn-Vaishnavas, Lord
Vishnu has His residence in the two worlds -Nitya-vibhuti and Lila-vibhuti. The
former is His original abode in the terrestrial world and the latter is His abode on
the earth where He manifests Himself m the archa or image form. This abode on
earth is called in Tamil, Vayyamaligai The roof of this courtyard is supported by
two rows of pillars which are all of the Vijayanagar type. It is quite likely that, at
first, it was an open courtyard and in the Vijayanagar days, it was made into a closed
hall, supported by a colonnade of pillars. The inner faces of the walls of this
enclosure bear some good paintings of the late Vijayanagar times.

Unfortunately, there is no inscription or literary evidence to fix the date of the
present structures of th q garbhagriha and the two ardhamandapas in its front. But
the architectural features clearly show that they belong to the Chola times and
probably to the 11th century A.D. This is fully discussed in the chapter on ‘Archi-
tecture’.

Second Prakara

On the south-east corner of the Hastigiri hill is a flight of 24 steps which we
descend to reach the second prakara round the foot of the ‘Hill’. It is an open

The Lay-out of the Temple and Sequence of Construction 45

courtyard which runs around the e hilF or ‘malaV and hence known as Malai-pradak-
shinam. It is also known as the Senaiyarkon tirumurram, as there is a shrine for Senai-
yarkon or Visvaksena, the mythical Commander-in-Chief of the Lord, on the nor-
thern wing of the courtyard (G.P. No. 16). Passing along this courtyard, we see
the high walls of the ‘Hill’ built of well-dressed blocks of stone. Its entire wall-
space is studded with numerous Chola and later inscriptions which are clearly
readable from this courtyard.

This courtyard is enclosed by a double-storeyed cloistered verandah with colon-
nades of pillars of uniform size (2 metres tall) and design with circular cross-section
and the typical Chola corbel of the bevelled variety. This verandah may be later
than its central entrance-gateway which is datable to the 11 th century A.D. There are
a number of inscriptions in the plinth portions of the gateway, the earliest belonging
to the 3rd year of Kulottunga I (l e., A.D. 1G73). 5 This inscription does not allude
to the construction of the gateway or the prakdra and therefore it may reasonably be
presumed that the structure was slightly older than that date, perhaps contemporary
with the Narasimha shrine, opposite to it.

Narasimha shrine

At the western foot of the ‘hill’ is the shrine of Nrisimha. It is a long but narrow
shrine with a low ceiling (about 2 metres high) improvised by walling up the front
portion of the inner core of the hill. It is conceived in the form of a cave in which
Nrisimha is seated in the yogic form at the far end. The inner faces of the walls of
this shrine are profusely inscribed— the earliest going to A.D. 1053 which means
that the shrine in its present form is at least as old as A.D. 1053, if not earlier. 6 The
garbhagriha, the antardla are all in one and the same level. The pillars of the mukha -
mandapa are short and thick with heavy tenon-like corbels, typical of the early and
middle Chola style. The access to this shrine is by a small doorway (2.25 x 1.18 ml)
on the west.

In front of this shrine is a sixteen-pillared mukhamandapa of late Yijayanagar
date. The Vijayanagar state-crest is carved on its pillars. This mandapa is inter-
posed between the Narasimha shrine and the entrance-gateway to this prdkara.

The cloistered verandah running along the periphery of the enclosure accommo-
dates four shrines : one for Danvantri on the south-eastern corner, one for Ganesa
on the south-west and those of Andal and Malayala Nachchiar on either side of the
gateway (G.P. Nos. 12, 13, 14 & 15). Andal, or Goda, the divine maiden, who attain-
ed godhood by her intense devotion and whose Tamil hymns like Tiruppavai are
sung in every Vishnu temple, seems to have been enshrined sometime in the 14th cen-
tury A.D. The existence of this shrine in the 15th and 16th century is attested by
inscriptions. 7 Andal is referred to by her other name Sudikkodutttanachiar.
From the disposition of the shrines, we can infer that the shrine of Malayala
Nachchiar is probably as old as that of Andal. The word Malayala Nachchiar
literally means the ‘consort from Malayaladesa or Kerala country 1 . We do not know
how and when this concept of Malayala Nachchiar and her consecration in a separate
shrine on almost equal footing with Andal, came into being. Perhaps, it was a result
of the brief conquest of Kanchi by the Chera king Ravivarman Kulasekhara in
A.D. 1316, who performed his second coronation at Kanchi on the bank of the Vega-

46 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple— Kaiichi

vati and worshipped in the temple of Arulalapperumal. 8 Probably, Malayala Nach-
chiar was installed here as a gift of the Chera family to the Lord Varadaraja. The
reference to Serakulavalli-nachiar in an epigraph of this temple lends plausibility
to this surmise. 9 A parallel development is reported at Srlrangam. There, a legen-
dary Chgra king Kulasekhara is said to have given his daughter Serakulavalli in
marriage to Lord Ranganatha and done extensive constructional activities in the third
prakara. It is hence known as ‘Kulasekharan Tiruvtdi’. 10

There are twelve pillared and nine-pillared mandapas attached to the shrines of
Andal and Malayala Nachchiar respectively. Both of them are considerably later than
the shrines and belong to the later Vijayanagar times, about the 16th century A.t).

Third prakara

An entrance (G.P. No. 17) with a gdpura leads us out into the third prakara
known as madapalli-prakara as there is the madappalli or the temple kitchen at the
south-eastern corner of the prakara. It is also called Yamunai Thuraivar tirumu-
rram i.e., the courtyard of Yamunaithuraivar, so called because Yamunai thuraivar or
Aiavandar, the great Sri-Vaishnava acharya is believed to have met Sri Ramanuja
for the first time in this courtyard. This is considered to be a historic meeting, as
it led to Alavandar’s choice of Ramanuja as his successor at Srlrangam. A number
of shrines aud mandapas are located in this courtyard. They are : —

Garuda shrine (G.P. No. 19)

In front of the gdpura, leading to the Yammaithuraivan prakara and facing the
main deity, is a small shrine for Garuda who stands with Anjali Hasta , i e., hands
clasped in worshipful mood.

Tiru-Anantalvar shrine (G.P. No. 21)

On the north-western side of this prakara is the beautiful shrine for Anantalvar
or Adisgsha, the divine serpent on which Lord Vishnu reclines. The shrine faces
east. It consists of a square garbhagriha , an antardla and a mukhamandapa. There
are a number of inscriptions on the walls. One of them, on the base of the south
wall is dated A.D. 1212 (35th year of Kulottunga III). It states that this shrine
was built by Slyaganga of the Ganga family, son of Cholgndra Simha. 11 He was
a Ganga feudatory of Kulottunga III. He was known to be the patron of Pavanandi,
the author of Nannul.

Karumanikka Perumal shrine (GP. No. 22)

On the northern side, and in the centre of this courtyard, is the small, but
beautiful, shrine for Kariamanikka Varadar or Karumanikka PerumaJ facing west.
The present shrine was probably built by Vikrama-Chola, sometime around his 11th
year i e., A D. 1129. An inscription in the shrine of the year refers to the king setting
up the image which was known as Vikrama-Chola-Vinnagar-llvar . The presence of
this shrine is mentioned in the Guruparamparai of Pinbalagia Perumal Jiyar who
lived during the beginning of the 13th century A.D. 13 It has a square garbhagriha,
an antardla and a mukhamandapa. There is no vimana or tower over the sanctum,

The Lay-out of the Temple and Sequence of Construction 47

The thousand-pillared mandapa (G.P. No. 23)

Beyond this and on the north-eastern corner of the prdkdra is the pavilion called
the Ayirakkdl-mandapam or the hall of a thousand columns, built in two storeys.
Though there are no thousand-pillars in the hall, it has become a convention to call
it so. It seems to have been built under the patronage of Pratapa Rudra Deva, the
Kakatiya king who had a brief spell of power over Kanchi in A.D. 131 6. 13

On the south-eastern corner of this prdkdra is the madappaUi or the kitchen (G.P.
No. 24). It is an old structure having a number of Chola characteristics. An inte-
resting inscription states that the kitchen was built by Naraloka-VTra, the famous
general and minister of Kulottunga I. The structure is, therefore, datable to the
latter half of the 11th century A.D.

Abhisheka-mandapa (G.P. No. 20)

In a central position of the forecourt of this prdkdra is a fine edifice called the
abhisheka-mandapa where the tirumahjanam of the utsava Veras (processional deities)
of Lord Varadaraja and His consorts takes place. It is a pillared hall (10 metres long,

5 metres broad) closed on three sides with a stepped approach. The structure appears
to have been built in the early half of the 13th century A.D. From outside, it looks
more like a shrine than a mandapa, especially because of the presence of the pilasters
on its exterior walls. An undated inscription records the construction of this
mandapa by one Elambilakkattu-Nayakar. 14 Since it is an epigraph subjoined to
the one dated in 21st year of Rajendra III i.e., A.D. 1236, it can be taken to beof the
same year. On palaeographical grounds too, the inscription may belong to the same
time. 15 The architectural features of the mandapa also point to the same date. 1 *
The same inscription informs us that this structure was also known as Devamaradevan.
The front porch with the balustraded stepped entrance of the mandapa was probably
constructed in the 16th century by one Alagia-manavala-JIyar, a prominent religious
leader of Kanchi, who held an important position in the temple. The Kannadi Arai
or the Mirror-Hall in which the utsava deity stays during festival days and the
present safe-vault of the temple are located inside this mandapa.

An interesting epigraph belonging to the time of Ballala III dated S 1282 (A.D.

1 359) mentions that the Hoysala king seated with his consorts on the throne named
Viravallalan in the abhisheka mandapa listened to the Tamil hymns of Satagopa 17
(Nammalvar’s Tiruvoymoli ).

In front of the abhisheka-mandapa is a large thirtytwo-pillared mandapa with
fine carvings (G.P. No. 27). When the holy bath to the deity is performed in the
abhisheka-mandapa, the Sri-Vaishnava devotees assemble here and recite the portions
of the Purusha Sukta and the Tamil devotional hymns ( Prabhandams ) of the Alvars.
This is also a structure in Vijayanagar style bearing their royal boar crest on its
ceilings.

On the northern side of the abhisheka-mandapa is the elevated mandapam called
the kili-mandapa or the Pavitrotsava mandapa where povitrotsava festival is conducted
(G.P. No. 34). The vahanas or the God’s processional vehicles are kept in this
now. The shrine for Rama is on the extreme north of this mandapa (G.P. No. 35).
It is a structure of the Vijayanagar times. The plinth of the mandapa overlaps with the
plinth of the abhisheka-mandapa and covers the moulded plinth portions of the latter.

48 Sri Varadarajaswatni T emple —Kaftchi

Some of the inscriptions of the abhisheka-mandapa are thus covered by end-portions
of this mandapa. This clearly proves that the latter was built long after the
abhisheka-mandapa .

Shrine of Perundevi Tayar (G.P. No. 28)

On the western side of this prakara is the shrine of Perundevi Tayar, the chief
consort of Lord Varadaraja. It is customary to offer worship to this shrine before
going to the shrine of Varadaraja. While the latter faces west, the former faces east.
The Tayar shrine is built on an elevated pediment about 3 metres (about 10 feet)
high reached by a flight of 10 steps. This elevation was given probably to match it
with that of the sanctum of Her consort, stationed at the height of nearly 14.60
metres (45 feet) from the ground level. There is an open circumambulation around
the sanctum and then a cloistered verandah around, a mukha-mandapa close to the
sanctum and a spacious pillared hall, maha-mandapa in front— all occupying a total
area of 11.80 $q. metres (G.P. Nos. 29, 30 and 31).

In general, separate shrines for Devi came to be built in Tamilnad only in the
later Chola times. 18 In this temple also, the shrine for Tayar seems to have been
built sometime in the first half of the 1 3th century A.D. It is conspicuous by its
absence in the early epigraphs. The earliest reference to the shrine is found in a
record dated A.D. 1236, belonging to Rajaraja III. 19 It registers a gift of 33 heads
of cattle for a lamp in the shrine of Periapirattiar, the prime consort of Arulalapperu-
mal. An inscription of the 17th year of the Telugu-Choda chief Vijaya Gandagopala
dated circa A.D. 1265 also records gift to the same shrine. The Guruparamparai
prabhavam written by Pinbalagia-perumal Jiyar in the 13th century clearly mentions
the presence of the shrine.

The mukhamandapa right in its front (G.P. No. 30) was also constructed some-
time around A.D. 1259 by one Vanga-Kalingarayan of KappalUr whose portrait-
sculpture in bas-relief is found in the wall of the mandapa with an inscription 20
which reads * Kappalur-udayan~vanga-kdlingarayan-Tirumandapam\ The inscription

does not bear a date, but we know from other sources that he was a feudatory of the
Pandyan king Vlra-Pandya who came to the throne in A.D. 1253. 21 The construction
of this mandapa might have taken place a few years later than that date. The archi-
tectural features of the structure support the date.

But the original Tayar shrine of the later Chola times was subsequently replaced
by the existing one, sometime in the latter half of the 15th century A.D., evidently
under the royal patronage of the Vijayanagar rulers. It is interesting to note in
this connection that an inscription dated A.D. 1487 refers to the reconsecration of
the image of Perundevi Tayar. 22 Probably, this was done soon after the construc-
tion of the present shrine. It is an elegant structure which displays the exuberance
of the Vijayanagar style of architecture. The vimana over the sanctum is known as
the j Kalyanakoti vimana and was built by Ettur Kumara Tatacharya in A.D. 1614
(SI 536) 23 He is said to have covered the vimana with gold-coated plate. Now,
the copper sheet alone remains therewith a few tinges of gold here and there.

The mahamandapa to the east (G.P. No. 31) of the Tayar shrine is also a fine
product of Vijayanagar times. Here is celebrated the famous Mahanavami festival
on which day Varadaraja and Perundevi are seated in the same pedestal — the only

The Lay-out of the Temple and Sequence of Construction 49

day in the whole year when this occurs. This ornamental mantfapa was built by
Alagia Manavaja Jlyar, the Koil-kejvi (Superintendent) of this temple by about the
middle of the 16th century. His portrait-figure is sculptured in one of the pillars
of this mandapa . This mandapa with its typical ornamental double-pillars with the
rearing horsemen has close stylistic resemblance to the hundred-pillared mandapa ,
in the outer courtyard of the temple, which was also built by the same Jxyar.

Unjal mandapa (G.P. No. 26)

A small but noteworthy pavilion in this prakara is the Unjal mandapa located in
the open courtyard (called Alagiya Manavala tirumurram) adjacent to the Tayar shrine
(G.P. No. 25). It is a four-pillared pavilion, standing on a high terrace. The
pillars and the coffered ceiling are minutely carved and display elegance and beauty.
This is a construction of Vijayanagar times. Their royal crest is boldly carved in
more than one place on the ceiling of this pavilion. Here, we have a good example
of intricate chiselling that was adopted by the Vijayanagar artisans, so that the whole
mandapa resembles a fine feligree work. This mandapa is specifically mentioned in
an epigraph of Achyutaraya dated in A.D. 1530. 24

From this courtyard we go to the next, the fourth and the outermost prakara
passing through a gateway crowned by a gopura (G.P. No. 36). This gateway is now
known as Tondaradippodi vasal. The correct name seems to have been TodarmaU
vasal as the statue of Raja Todarmal is kept near this entrance. He did great service to
this temple by restoring the utsava image of Varadaraja from a forest to which it had
been previously removed for fear of desecration at the hands of the Muslim invad-
ers 25 and is kept near this entrance. This gateway and its adjoining compound wall
can be dated back to the 11th century A.D. , as inscriptions ofKulottunga I dated 36th
(A.D. 1106) are found on its walls. 26 One of them refers to a grant by the wife
of Karunakara Tondaiman, the famous general of Kulottunga I. However, this
enclosure wall, according to the local tradition, was heightened and rebuilt by Alagi-
ya-manavala Jiyar in the 16th century. The Jiyar’s portrait- sculptures are placed on
the top of the compound wall at two places. 27

Fourth Prakara

We now come to the 4th and the largest courtyard of this temple. This is called
the Alvdr-pradakshiriam or Alvar-Tiruvfdi , as the shrines of all the Alvars are situated
in this enclosure. This is a very long and broad courtyard consisting of a number
of shrines, mandapas , the dvajasthamba, the baliplta, tanks and gardens — all giving a
magnificent appearance. The shrines of the Alvars and acharyas as also some of the
shrines like those of Krishna, Varaha, Ranganatha are built along the periphery of
the enclosure— all of them gravitating towards the main sanctum of the temple at
the centre.

In describing the structures of this vast courtyard we can conveniently divide the
enclosure into four quadrants with reference to two axial lines east-west and north-
south, cutting across the sanctum, the quadrants — the north-east, south-east, south-
west and north-west North-east : In this sector is the shrine of Nammalvar which
faces west (G P. No. 43). It consists of a square sanctum (4.30 sq. metres), an anta -
rala and a mahamantfapa. There is a beautiful bronze image of Nammalvar for

SO Srf VaradarajaswSrrti Temple — Kaficki

whom regular festivals are conducted. From the reference to the popularity of
Nammalvar’s Tirmoymoli mentioned in the inscription of Ballaja III, we will not be
wrong if we infer that Nammalvar was already deified here. South-east : In the south-
east quadrant are shrines for Tirumangai Alvar and Manavala Mahamuni, the
former facing west and the latter facing north (G.P. Nos. 45 & 46). The Tirumangai
Alvar shrine has been completely rebuilt in recent years. The shrine of Manavala
Mahamuni is a spacious building. It appears to have been built in the Vijayanagar
times, as is indicated by the typical Vijayanagar pillars and pilasters of the shrine
having pushpa-podigai corbels and a number of typical bas-relief sculptures on the
pillars.

An inscription dated A.D. 1555 records an endowment for offerings to Peria Jiyar
(Manavala Mahamuni) on his birth asterism of Mulam. 28 From this it may be infer-
red that he was already enshrined, probably, in the present shrine. The architectural
features tally well with that period.

Near the shrine of Manavala Mahamuni towards the west are the shrines of
Tirumalisai Alvar and Ramanuja (G.P. Nos. 47 and 48). From many Chola inscrip-
tions, we know that offerings were made to many Alvars like Poigai and Bhudam,
and in all likelihood they along with Tirumalisai were also deified during the same
time. The present shrine however seems to have been constructed during the 15th
century under the Vijayanagar patronage. An epigraph of king Virupaksha dated
§aka 1389 (A.D. 1467) is found on the mandapa in front of the shrine. 29 It records the
purchase of land for the shrine of Tirumalisai Alvar. From this, we can infer that
the shrine was in existence even before this date. Next to the shrine of Ramanuja is
that of Mudal-alvars which is closed now (G.P. No. 49).

South-west : Vahana mandapa— This is a beautiful pavilion in late Vijayanagar style
having pillars with rearing horses (G.P. No. 50). It is closely modelled on the design
of the Kalyana mandapa , situated opposite to it. In the rear portion of this pavi-
lion are accommodated the shrines of Vedanta Desika, and Lakshmikumara Tata-
charya (G.P. No. 51). The latter was the manager of this temple during the times of
Vijayanagar king Venkata I. During the Vaisakha festivals, the utsava deities moun-
ted on the vahanas would be placed in this pavilion on the return from processions
and the concluding portions of the Veda and the Prabhandam would be recited
here.

Tul&bhara-mandapas (G.P. Nos. 52 & 53)

There are two small four-pillared mandapas , about 12 feet high, on the west of the
dvajasthamba , These are known as Tulabhara mandapas , probably because they were
built on the occasion of the Tulabhara ceremony performed by the Vijayanagar king
Achyutaraya in A.D. 1532. He is said to have weighed himself against pearls ( mukta -
tulabhara) and given the entire wealth as gift to this temple. These two mandapas ,
almost identical in construction and style, might have been built for this occasion.
There is a specific reference to the Tulabhara mandapa in his inscription dated A.D.
15 33. 30

The Stable maiidapa (G.P. No. 56)

This mandapa which faces north is a spacious one with high pials on either side.

The Lay-out of the Tempi <Tarfd Sequence l)f Construction 51

It consists of long cloistered verandahs with a square in, the centre.

It has no architectural or sculptural embellishment A*^e vijayanagaj ^royal-crest is
carved in bold relief at many places on the kodungaf^t '^xQ flexed/C^dice over the
mandapa. But now the building is in a state of neglect' seems to
have been used once for shelter for the cows, horses etc/,' to the temple.
Adjacent to it is the Vasanta-mandapa where the temple-office is now situated (G.P.
No. 57). North-east : In this sector are situated important shrines, mandapas, tanks
and gardens.

Anantasaras — the sacred tank (Fig. 2)

This enchanting tank occupies a central position in this sector. About 78.6 metre
long, 60 metre broad, it has well-paved stone steps all around for the devotees to
have easy access and have a holy dip before entering into the temple. It is quite an
old tank, mentioned in the Guruparamparai (13th century) and Vedanta Desika’s Satya-
vrata Mahdtmiya. In addition to the usual Neeral i-mandapa (16 pillared) in the cen-
tre of the tank, there is another smaller four-pillared mandapa, surmounted by a
small vimana or tower (G.P. Nos. 67 & 68). It is here that the original but mutila-
ted mulabhera of Lord Varadaraja called Adi Atti-Varada is made to rest. The stone-
steps of the tank were repaired and reset under the orders of the Vijayanagar minis-
ter Ramaraya in the latter half of the 16th century A.D.

On the western bank of this tank are the small shrines of Krishna and Varaha,
both facing east and their rear portion going very near but not abutting on the outer
compound wall of the temple.

Krishna shrine (G.P. No. 63)

It has a square sanctum, an antarala and a mukha-mandapa . The sanctum is
crowned by a vimana , about 25 ft. in height. The architectural style is suggestive of
the later Pandya period. On its sanctum wall, a fragmentary Tamil epigraph of the
late 13th century characters belonging to one Maravarman Sundara Pandya is found.
The wall niches, five in number, are squattish and the pillar corbels show the incipient
pumunai bracket. This shrine is now without the deity, the utsava idol is preserved
elsewhere in the temple. The shrine is now used as a store-room for the trappings of
the temple elephant.

Varaha and other ruined shrines (G.P. No. 64)

Further north on the same row are the dilapidated shrines of Lord Varaha and an
empty shrine— both have square mandapas with the sanctums in their centre. They
are empty, the deities having been removed to the interior of the temple. . The
extant structures are devoid of any notable architectural features. They are in the
normal Vijayanagar pattern and are datable to 16th century A.D. Further north
also there is a ruined unused mandapa of Vijayanagar times (G.P. No. 68).

Sr! Ranganatha shrine (G.P. No. 66)

On the northern bank of the tank Anantasaras stands a solitary shrine dedicated
to Ranganatha. It is of modest size, and built in the same pattern as the Varaha
shrine i.e , a small sanctum and frontal porch within a covered mandapa . The large

52 Sri Varadara jaswami Temple — Kdnchi

mulabhera of Ranganatha in the reclining posture is a beautiful image. According to
the Sanskrit inscription of Naralokavira (11th century) already referred to, a shrine
for Hari (Vishnu) in reclining posture was built by him, and crowned by a vimdna
with a golden kalasa. But it is difficult to say if this is the shrine under reference.
The shrine is now without a vimdna . The shrine itself seems to have been rebuilt in
the Vijayanagar times.

The Chakrattalvarshrine (G.P. No. 40)

On the eastern bank of the Anantasaras tank is the shrine of Chakrattalvar or
Sudarsana, personification of Lord Vishnu’s discus. The shrine seems to have
been constructed by one Ilaialvan Kaiingarayan of Nettur in the 14th year of Kuldt-
tunga III i.e., A.D. 1191. The inscription recording this fact calls the deity by its
Tamil name —■Tini-al i~Al vdr~al i meaning the discus. 32

The sanctum is unusually spacious here. In the centre of the sanctum is placed a
large, two-faced and exquisite image of Chakrattalvar.

Probably because the image is two-faced, the sanctum also has two doorways,
so that both the faces would be visible to the worshipper when he circumambulates
the shrine. Similarly, the outer mandapa built around the sanctum has two entran-
ces— one on the east and the other on the west.

Both the mandapas are built in the Vijayanagar style, as evidenced by the tall and
ornate pillars and the Pushpa-podigai corbel. The Vijayanagar state-emblem, the
boar and daggar motif, is carved prominently on the ceiling of the mandapa on the
west.

Porramarai tank

There is a big tank behind the Nammalvar shrine and on the north-east of the
outer courtyard and near the eastern entrance of the temple. An inscription dated
A.D. 1544 records a grant of money for the repairs to this tank by one Chennay-
yangar. 33 The tank is stated to have been first dug by the donor’s great grandfather.
From this we can infer that the tank came into existence sometime around
A.D. 1500.

Dorai Thottam (Garden)

Immediately on the east of the Chakrattalvar shrine is a vast flower garden of
the temple, which occupies almost the entire length of the prakdra upto the eastern
TiruniadiL A variety of flower-plants like the jasmine ( malli ), the rose, nanjdvattai
(white flowers), besides trees of mango, coconut, jack-fruit are also grown for the
use in the temple.

Perundevi Tayar’s c Friday mandapa C is situated here (G.P. No. 42-a). The utsava
idol of Tayar used to be brought in procession to this pavilion and made to rest here
every Friday. The annual Davanotsavam (garden-festival) for Lord Varadaraja is
celebrated here in the month of Chaitra (April). An epigraph of Sadasiva dated
§aka 1473 mentions the festival in the Vasantha Toppu , in the month of Chittirai.
Probably, the reference is to this garden.

In the same garden are situated the two shrines, one for Perialvar and another
for Tondaradipodi Alvar and Tiruppan Alvar (G.P. Nos. 41 and 42). These shrines

The Lay-out of the Temple and Sequence of Construction 53

seem to have been built in the early Vijayanagar period. The presence of the shrine
for both the Alvars is mentioned by an inscription of Sadasiva dated A.D. 1558 and
1560 (447 and 448 of 1919). But owing to sheer negligence, these shrines are over-
grown with vegetation covering the entire structure. Hence, the deities have
been removed and placed in various other shrines.

The Kalyana-mandapa (G.P. No. 61)

Perhaps the most attractive structure in this prakdra is the hundred-pillared kaly*
dna-mandapa on the south bank of the Anantasaras tank. In accordance with the
convention, it is placed slightly to the side of the principal entrance to the temple.
It is a magnificent pillared pavilion with a raised platform for a throne in its centre
for the reception of the utsava deities of the Lord and His consorts on ceremonial
occasions. There is a beautiful and small pavilion made of black polished granite
and placed at the rear bay on a high pedestal. It is here that the utsava deities are
placed. On certain festival days, religious discourses are given to the people assem-
bled.

The Kalyana-mandapa is an important contribution of the Vijayanagar times.
The pillars are tall and monolithic and their shafts are sculptured into rich and
varying patterns like rearing horsemen etc. It is by far the most attractive edifice,
richly adorned with innumerable sculptures of the Vaishnava pantheon, puranic
stories, portrait-figures, besides remarkable architecturalmotifs and designs. This
is discussed in detail in chapter on ‘Architecture’. It appears to have been built
by Alagia-Manavala-Jxyar in the latter half of the 16th century A.D. evidently under
the royal patronage. The Jiyar’s portrait-figures are sculptured on two pillars of
this mandapa.

Having described the buildings in the four quarters of this outer courtyard, we
now turn to those on the east-west axial line. There are the Dvajastambha and the
balipltha (G.P. 38 and 39), the two tall four-pillared mandapas — all in the forecourt
and the two imposing gateways or entrances, one each on the east and west.
One remarkable fact that was revealed by our survey plan of this temple is
that the central axis-line, drawn from the centre of the outer gateways on the east to
that of the west,, runs along the exact centre of the gateways of all the inner prdkaras
and the garbhagriha . This clearly shows that in expanding the temple premises or
courtyards, the central-axial line of the innermost sanctum served as the base line to
which all the additional gateways were aligned.

Four-pillared mandapas (G.P. Nos. 59 and 60)

Situated further east along the central axis are the two tall four-pillared manda-
pas , crowned by small vimdnas. They have the style and grace of the Vijayanagar
workmanship. Carved stone rings are seen hanging from tips of the cornices.
Sculptural representations of some Vijayanagar kings and a few other benefactors of
the temple are carved on their pillars. The one nearer to the dvajastambha is known
as Tirukkachinambi mandapa as the figure of this achdrya was carved on all its
pillars.

54 Sri V aradar&jaswami Temple— K&fichi

Outer courtyard

The entire outer courtyard is enclosed by a high boundary wall ( tirumadil ) on all
sides with only two openings which form the gateways to the temple-— the eastern
gate (kilakku-gopura vasal ) and the western gateway (merku-gopura vasal) (G.P. Nos.
44 and 58). The principal gateway in this temple is the one on the west instead of
the usual east because the principal deity is facing in that direction. So, necessarily,
all the important structures like those of Garuda, the dvajastambha, the balipftha
and the main entrance are on the west. That is the reason why the western gateway
is kept open for the public, whereas the eastern gateway is always kept closed
except for a small opening (about 2 metre square) in the closed door. The signs of
disuse and neglect are evident on the eastern portion of the courtyard. The floor
is not paved. The tank is in disrepair and wild vegetation have grown everywhere. In
sharp contrast to this, the western portion of the courtyard is kept spick and span.

Gopuras : The western gopura, though smaller in size (160 ft. or 53 metres) than
the one on the east (180 ft. or 60 metres), is better proportioned and more beautiful.
Both stand on a lofty plinth built of solid stone-masonry which form a stable foun-
dation for the superstructure, built of brick and mortar. The superstructures which
are pyramidal in shape rise in several storeys which are composed of a series of
diminishing tiers. The western gopura has seven storeys, while the eastern one has
nine. But, while the horizontal and vertical arrangements seem to be well-balanced
in the western gopura , it is not so in the eastern one, where there is a pronounced
emphasis on the verticality.

Fortunately, there are a number of inscriptions on the plinth portions of the
western gopura , giving us clues to its probable date. The earliest of them is dated
§ 1296 (A.D. 1374) and belongs to Kampana Udaiyar, while another belongs to
successor Harihara and dated § 1325 (A.D. 1403). This gopura thus belongs to
the early Vijayanagar period in point of time though in style it is still rooted in the
late Chola or Pandya pattern. But the eastern gopura is much more evolved and
resembles closely the tall gopura of Ekam bares varar temple at Kanchi which was
built by Krishnadeva Raya in the first half of the 16th century A.D.

Before concluding this chapter, we may refer to one important verse of Manavala
Mahamuni in his Kanchi Divya Desa Sangraha Slokamdlika in which he has
described the important shrines existing in this temple during his days 34 He lived
between A.D. 1370 and 1445 and in this verse we get a fairly good picture of this
temple for that period. The items of structure he has mentioned and the present-day
equivalents are :

Present equivalents Names used in the vei

(1) Gateway

(2) Balipitha

(3) Anantasaras tank

(4) Venugopala

(5) Pattarpiran or Perialvar

(6) Gnanapiran

(7) Nammalvar

(8) Kaliyan (Tirumangai Alvar)

... SrimatDvaram
Mahabaliplta
. . . Panindr ahrad am

Gopinam Ramanam
... Battanatha

... Y ar ahavapusham

... Satavarinam

... Kaliripum

The Lay-out of the Temple and Sequence of Construction 55

(9)

Baktisarar or Tirumalisai Al.var

...

Baktisara

(10)

Ramanuja

Lakshmanayogi

(11)

Mudal Alvars

...

Munivaran Adyan

(12)

Dvarapalakas

Dvarapan

(13)

Abhisheka mandapa

Manjanamandapa

(14)

Perundevi Tayar

...

Sarasijam

(15)

Anandalvan

Hetisa

(16)

Chakrattalvan

...

Bhogiswaram

(17)

Rama

Rama

(18)

Kariamanikkapperumal

Nllamani

(19)

Tirumadapalli

Mahanasa

(20)

Nrisimha

Nrisimham

(21)

Garuda

Tharkshyam

(22)

Andal

Srlyam

(23)

Senainatar

Senanyam

(24)

Karigiri

...

Karibhtitara

(25)

Punyakoti-vimana and the

...

Punyakotyam Hari

Lord therein

From the order of shrines he has mentioned, we can easily infer that he has des-
cribed the temple right from the principal gateway i.e., the gateway on the west to
the sanctum sanctorum. In all likelihood, there was only one gateway to this temple
during his time because the present gateway on the east and the gopura over it can
be ascribed only to the first half of the 16th century. After mentioning the Maha-
balipxtha, he describes the shrines in the outermost court i.e., the fourth prakdra in
the order in which one would see during circumambulation. After mentioning
the Anantasaras-tank, he mentions the shrines of Venugopala, Varaha, Perialvar,
Nammalvar, Tirumangai Alvar, Tirumalisai, Ramanuja, and Mudal alvars —
all these are now within the fourth prakdra. Then at the entrance to the inner
prakara (III prakara), he mentions the dvarapalakas, which are still there. The
shrines mentioned by him in this prakara are : Perundevi Tayar, Anandalvan,

Chakrattalvan, Rama, Kariamanikkapperumal and Garuda, besides the abhisheka-
mandapa and the madapalli (kitchen). The reference to the Chakrattalvan in this
connection is interesting. Probably, originally this shrine was in the third prakara
and later on in the Vijayanagar times, it was built in its present position i.e., in
the fourth prakara. Manavaja Mahamuni then describes the next inner prakdra
(II prakara) beginning with Nrisimha. Therein, as he circumambulates, he mentions
the shrines of Andal, Senainatar, Karigiri or the Hastigiri hill, the Punyakoti-vimana
and the Lord therein— which all tally precisely with the disposition of the structures
as they stand today.

Some of the omissions in this description are also significant. For example, the
absence of reference to the Kalyana mandapa or Vahana-mandapa in the outermost
prakara is quite natural for, as shown earlier, they are the products of the later
Vijayanagar period.

Similarly, while he has mentioned the Punyakoti-vimana, he does not refer to the
Kalyana koti vimdna over the shrine of Perundevi Tayar. It is in keeping with our

56 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple—Karlchi

evidence that the Kalydna koti vimdna was erected only in the beginning of the 17th
century by Tatacharya.

One important fact that we know from Manavala Mahamuni’s description is that
the general outer plan of this temple in its present form with all its four pffikaras had
already taken shape. All the important Vaishnava Alvars were already deified. This
is in conformity with the epigraphical evidence cited earlier.

The description and study of the genesis of the structures of the temple can be
concluded by outlining the probable sequence of constructional development :

I stage : The temple was of humble or modest proportions during the time of
Bhudattajvar, i.e., about the 7th century A.D. There are no structural or inscrip-
tional vestiges of this period.

II stage : A thorough reconstruction of the temple into a bigger complex some-
time around the middle of the 11th century A.D. during the time of Rajadhiraja I
and his successor Kulottunga L The inscription of the former dated A.D. 1050 is
found intact inside the sanctum of Nrisimha shrine. It mentions the presiding deity,
Tiruvattiytlr Alvar. From the inscription, we can infer that the shrines of Nrisimha
and the main sanctum were already there. Probably, the latter with its forward
complements like the two ardha mandapas and the maha mandapa were built in this
time.

The reign of Kulottunga I witnesses remarkable development. In his time, two
more prakdras or courtyards (the second and the third) were added together with
their entrance gateways and towers. Of these, the second prakara seems to have
come up slightly earlier, sometime before A.D. 1073 (3rd year of Kulottunga I) for
an inscription of that date is found on the basement of the entrance tower. Probab-
ly, a few years hence, the third prakara with its gateway was built, because inscrip-
tions on the walls there are dated in the 30th, 31st and 36th years of Kulottunga I
(i.e., A.D. 1100 to 1106). This prakara wall with the kitchen in the south-east corner
was built by Naralokavira, the famous minister of Kulottunga I as attested by
his beautiful Sanskrit inscription. The inscription specifically refers to the construc-
tion of a lofty, stone-built prakara- wall that cannot be destroyed by time. The inscrip-
tion is probably datable to the 30th year of Kulottunga I. The compound wall of
this courtyard was reconstructed by Alagia Manavala Jlyar in the 16th century.

III stage : Subsequently, various structures were built within these prakaras at
different times in the 12th and 13 centuries, such as the Kariamanikkaperumal
shrine in the 11th year of Vikrama Chola i.e. A.D. 1129; the Anantalvar shrine
in A.D. 1212; the abhisheka-mandapa in A.D. 1236; the Tayar shrine also round
about the same time. Probably, at this stage, the fourth prakara was an open one,
not enclosed as it is now. The Anantasaras tank was there at its north-eastern side.
The shrine of Chakrattalvar or Sudarsana which was originally built somewhere
inside, was probably rebuilt in its present position. The Krishna shrine on the west
bank of the tank was built probably in the latter half of the 13th century as already
indicated.

Towards the end of the 13th century or, more probably, in the first half of the
14th century, the fourth courtyard was enclosed by a compound wall with a gateway
and gopura on its west. The eastern gopura had not been built at this stage.

' * IV stage : The outline of the temple complex having been completed, towards the

The Lay-out of the Temple and Sequence of Construction 57

end of the 13th century A.D. this stage only witnessed further amplification by the
construction of a number of pillared halls, pavilions and ancillary shrines, besides the
reconstruction of some of the existing structures. This was the period when there
was a great increase in the numerous temple-rituals and festivals which necessita-
ted many additional structures. Moreover, the Vijayanagar monarchs who zealously
fostered the best Hindu traditions evinced sympathetic interest in fulfilling the reli-
gious aspirations of the people. Thus, under their patronage were built the tower-
ing gopura on the east; the Kalyana-mandapa , the Vahana-mandapa , the Tulabhara -
mandapa , the Unjal-mandapa and the Vasantha-mandapa, and probably separate shrines
for Alvars and acharyas. This was indeed the brightest period in the history of
the temple, when there was a great spurt in the celebration of festivals, in the elabo-
rate arrangements for offerings, in the various benefactions of lands, jewels etc., as
will be shown in the sequel.

NOTES

1. It is interesting to note in this connection
that Appayya Dikshitar (16th century
A.D.) mentions the presence of five praka-
ras and compares them to the five kd'sas
or outer covers which encase the ultimate
reality or the Paramatma (Varadaraja-
stavam, v. 10).

2. G.P. refers to General Plan shown in Fig.
39.

3. The word vimSna connotes the entire tem-
ple m the general sense, but it is used
especially in later South Inidan context
only to refer to the superstructure over
the sanctum from the prastara to Sikhara.
It has been used in this sense even in
some silpa texts. Sikhara in the South
Indian context only denotes that part of
the vimana between the griva and the
stupi. For elucidation of these points see
K.V. Soundara Rajan, The Matrix of
South Indian Architecture , JIH , December
1965, pp. 792-793.

4. 448 of 1919.

5. 522 of 1919.

6. 519 of 1919.

7. 447 of 1919.

8. E.I. IV, No. 145.

9. 479 of 1919.

10. S. Rajan, Srfrangam and Af vdrs and Achar-
yas > Srlrangam, 1953, p. 15.

11. 590 of 1919.

12. Vide Chapter V.

13. EJ. VII, p. 132; Arujalanadan Kdyilil
Seyyum tu uppani dyirakkal-tirumandapam .

14. 595 of 1919, S.I T.L No. 382.

15. S.LTJ. No. 382.

16. Chapter IX.

17. 572 and 585 of 1919.

18. K.A.N. Sastri : The Chofas (1955).

19. 609 of 1919.

20. This inscription has not been noticed in
the Epigraphical Reports so far. This
was noticed in situ by the writer.

21. This information is found in an inscrip-
tion vide 59 of 1919— V. Rangacharya,
Top List , Vol. I, 341.

22. 648 of 1919.

23. 650 of 1919; ARE 1919-20, p. 115.

24. 646 of 1919.

25. See Chapter III for further details of this
episode.

26. 631 of 1919.

27. For the illustration see Plate in Chapter

XI.

28. SOT, I. No. 390, p. 375.

29. 543, 546 of 1919.

30. SOT ; I. 406, p. 395.

31. 656 of 1919.

32. 487 of 1919.

33. 484 of 1919.

34. Srlmat Dvaram Mahadvi Balipilagriyam
Panindrahradam Gopindm Ramanam Vara-
havpusham Sri Baiianatham Munim Sriman
tam Satavairinam Kaliripum Sri Bhaktisa-
ram Munim Purnam Lakshmanaydgmam
Munivaran Adyan Atha Dvarapan Sriman-
manjana mandapam Sarasijam Hetisa-
Bhdgisvaram Ramam Nilamanim Mahana-
sayaram Tharksyam Nrisimha Sriyam
SenSnyam Karibhltaram Thadupari Sri-
puny akoiy am Harm Thanmadhye varadam
Ramasahasaram Vande Thadiei Vratam .

CHAPTER IV

THE ROLE OF THE TEMPLE
IN THE GROWTH OF SRI-VAISHNAVISM

INTRODUCTION

Early Tamil works of the Sangam period attest to the popularity of Vishnu-
worship in the Tamil country. The Tolkappiam mentions four Gods as the recogni-
sed guardian deities of the Tamil land, one each for the four geographical divisions
of the land viz , the forest -land presided over by Mayon (Vishnu), the hilly tract by
Seyon (Muruga), cultivated plains by Vendan (Indra) and the coastal strips by
Varuna. 1 Th q Purananiiru mentions Siva, Balarama, Vishnu and Muruga as the four
principal Gods. 2 In the Paripadal also Balarama and Krishna are mentioned
together. 3

The Tamil epic Silappadikaram makes clear reference to the Vishnu temples at
Vengadam, Arangam, Tirumal-irum-solai. 4 That these three places were
leading centres of Vishnu-worship is attested by the great importance attached to
them by the Vaishnava saints, the Alvars. So far as Kanchi is concerned, it is spoken
of as a centre of many religions. 5 The Vishnu temple at Vehka in Kanchi seems to
have been well-known in the Sangam period. The Perum-Panarruppadai, one of the
Sangam anthologies called Pattupattu or Ten Idyls , makes a pointed reference to the
Vishnu in reclining position at Vehkanai or Vehka. 6 It is very likely that the other
Vishnu temples at Kanchi came to prominence in the wake of the great Bhakti
movement propagated by the Alvars or the Vaishnava saints sometime between the
sixth and the eighth centuries A.D. Like the Saivite Nayanmars, the Vaishnavite
Alvars toured extensively in South India, addressing their soul-stirring songs to the
idol-manifestations (( archayatara ) of Vishnu of the various places. This movement
gave a fresh impetus to the growth of Vishnu-worship in the Tamil country and the
places sung by them came to be known as the Divyadesas or the holy places which are
now counted as 108 in number. In Kanchi alone there are eighteen such shrines
sung by the Alvars and Sri Varadarajaswami is one among them, having been sung
by Bhtidattalvar, one of the earliest Alvars. As already noted, the Alvar mentions
Him as Attiyuran after the place. Because of the Alvar’s praise the place came to
be known as TiruvattiyUr or sacred Attiy ur, later on. 7 There is nothing to indicate
that it was a prominent temple in the beginning. On the other hand, from the
works of the other Alvars, it is seen that Vehka was the most prominent Vishnu
temple at Kanchi. Both Poigai and Pey Alvars frequently refer to Vehka and rank
it with other shrines like Srfrangam and Vengadam etc. For instance in verse 77,
Poigai mentions four places in which Lord Vishnu is manifest in four different
postures— standing at Vengadam, seated at Vinnagar, reclining at Vehka and walking
at KovalUr. 8 Similarly Pey Alvar a contemporary of Poigai and Bhhtam makes
many references to Vehka and ranks it with Vengadam, Srirangam, Kudandai

60 Sri Varadardjaswdmi Temple— K&Hckl

(Kumbakonam), Vinnagaram etc . 9 Another Alvar, Tirumalisai, was associated
with the temple of Vehka to which he was deeply devoted. He has sung about the
temple with great ecstasy. So, the Sangam poem Perumpanarruppadai and the hymns
of the Alvars quoted above, clearly indicate that Vehka was the most prominent
Vishnu temple at Kanchi.

In subsequent times however, i.e., in the age of the Acharyas, the modest
temple of Attiyur grew in importance and in the course of time completely over-
shadowed the other Vishnu temples of Kanchi. Known as Hastigiri, it became one
of the three most important places for a Sri-Vaishnava. The three in their
order of importance are Koil, Tirumalai and Perumal-koil, which are res-
pectively Srlrangam, Vengadam and Hastigiri at Kanchi. These three are consi-
dered the holiest of the holies. Hastigiri attained this eminent position mainly due
to its association with the life and activities of Sri Ramanuja, the propounder and
the establisher of the Visishtadvaitic philosophy. A galaxy of eminent acharyas
noted for their piety and literary accomplishments, some of whom were elder (like
Tirukkachinambi) and some younger contemporaries of Ramanuja (like KtarattaJ-
var) were attracted to this temple.

Ramanuja spent the most formative years of his life here and is said to have
received injunctions from Lord Varadaraja through Tirukkachinambi which served as
the guideline for Ramanuja’s Visishtadvaitic philosophy. Ramanuja himself con-
sidered Hastigiri as one of the four most important places which a Srl-Vaishnava had
to meditate during the daily Sandhya-pmytxs, the other three being Srlrangam,
Vengadam and Yatisailam or Tirunarayanapuram in Mysore. All these factors
naturally bestowed on the temple a position of importance in the eyes of his followers.
Moreover, Sri Varadarajaswami temple was one of the first to receive the impact
of Ramanuja’s teachings and reforms relating to the form of worship, the code of
religious conduct and procedures regarding festivals etc. It was hence looked upon
as one of the "model-temples’ to be followed by the numerous smaller shrines in
other towns and villages.

Subsequent to Ramanuja, the temple not only maintained its eminent position
but also registered further progress and reached the zenith of glory during the
Vijayanagar period. Eminent acharyas like Nadadar Ammal, Vedanta Desika,
Manavala Mahamuni have paid their homage to Lord Varadaraja, the presiding
deity of this temple. Members of several distinguished achdrya pwruy/zA-families,
and Jlyars (ascetics), were connected with this temple. Several seminaries or
mathas were situated in this temple for the propagation of Ramanuja-darsana.

Ramanuja’s school of Vaishnavism is called the Sn-Sampradaya or Sri-Vaishna -
vism and its philosophy is known as the Visishtadvaita or qualified non-dualism.
The latter term is explained elsewhere in this chapter. The significance of the term
Srt-Vaishnayism may briefly be explained here. It signifies only a special facet of
Vishnu-worship, already popular in the theistic works like the Paripadal and the
works of the Alvars. In this scheme Sri or Lakshmi plays an important role. In
a sense, Sri as the Purushakara or mediatrix dominates the conception. She serves
as a link between the devotee and the Lord and recommends even a sinner for the
Lord’s mercy. Her position as the sharer of all powers and responsibilities with
Her consort Narayana is emphasised by the prefix Sn in the words Sn-Vaishnavism

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Sri Vaishnavism 61

or Sn-Sampradaya . She is not only the mediatrix but also first in the line of precep-
tors or dchdryas . It is the belief of the Sn-Vaishnavas that the divine teachings of
the Panchar atr a were transmitted by the Lord to Sri who in turn communicated
them to Viswaksena or Senainatha, who passed them on to Nammalvar. Thus, the
line of Sri-Vaishnava preceptors begins with Sri and includes Viswaksena, Nammal-
var and many successive dcharyas. Ramanuja comes eighth in this line. Subsequent
to Ramanuja, the line divides itself into two, one representing the SrT-Bashya or in
the popular parlance the Northern School and the other representing the Prabhandic
or the Southern School.

The association of Sri Varadarajaswami temple with the Vaishnava saints and
teachers is studied under three sections.

Section 1

THE AGE OF THE ACHARYAS

Sources : The inscriptions of this temple, though very valuable in many other
respects, are not of much help to us regarding the lives and activities of the early
dchdryas like Tirukkachinambi, Kurattalvar or even Ramanuja. It is indeed a puzzle
why the contemporary epigraphs which furnish us with numerous details of kings,
nobles and their gifts are so silent about such eminent religious leaders who have
dedicated themselves to the cause of Srl-Vaishnavism. We do, however, get some
useful information regarding the installation of Ramanuja’s image in this temple,
the provisions for propagating his tenets etc., but they are comparatively scanty
and they hardly do justice to the great missionary work he did. So, one has neces-
sarily to depend on the traditional works like the Vaishnava Guruparamparas or
hagiologies, supplemented in a few cases by the compositions of the dcharyas them-
selves. For the period subsequent to the 15th century, however, the inscriptions
are extremely useful. A number of acharya-purushas , Jiyars and other leaders, and
their connections with the temple, are recorded.

Tirukkachinambi

Among the elder contemporaries of Ramanuja, Tirukkachinambi was known to
be most deeply attached to the service of Lord Varadaraja. He was bom in
Pundamalli, about 20 miles east of Kanchi in the Vaisya (Chettiar) family. It is
said that every day he used to take flowers to Kanchi for Lord Varadaraja. He
did ei alavatta kainkarya ” (fanning service). In course of time, he won the unique
reputation of the only person who could converse with Lord Perarulala. Humble
and devoted, he was venerated by all. When he talked, people considered that the
Lord spoke through him. He was revered by all people to whom he was a
rare jewel among men living at Kanchi. Once, he went to Srirangam, which was in
those days the headquarters, as it were, of Vaishnavism, and met Perianambi
(Mahapurna) and Alavandar, who praised his services to Perarulala. After the
formal initiation, Alavandar conferred on him the ddsyandma peraruldladdsa i.e..
the servant of Perarulala. After spending some time at Srirangam in the service of
his preceptor, he returned to Kanchi and resumed his service there. Another title
which is said to have been conferred upon him by Lord Varadaraja was “Gajendra-

62 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple— Kaftchi

dasa”. He is said to have founded a temple for his favourite deity at Pundamalli.

Ramanuja (circa 1017-1137 A.D.)

Among the four main centres of his activity (Srirangam, Tirumalai, Kanchi and
Melkote), Ramanuja seemed to have had special attachment to Kanchi and the
Varadarajaswami temple because he spent his early and most formative years here.
His disciple Tiruvarangattammudanar emphasised this point when he called him by
the appellation " Ten Attiyurkalalinaikil punda-anbalan” , meaning one who served at
the feet of the Lord Attiyur. 10

Ramanuja was born in Sriperumbudur in 1017 A.D. His father imparted to him
preliminary education. After the latter’s death, Ramanuja moved to Kanchi along
with his wife and mother. There is a tradition that he lived in the first house on the
north-western end of the Sannidhi Street on the east of the temple. He studied
Vedanta under Yadavaprakasa, a great Advaitic scholar at Kanchi. Ramanuja’s
thirst for knowledge and sincere approach soon made him a favourite student and
disciple of Yadavaprakasa. But, as time passed on, Ramanuja found Yadavapra-
kasa’s explanations or interpretations of Vedanta unacceptable to him. On one or two
occasions, he modestly put forth his view which the teacher considered an affront
to him. He regarded Ramanuja a heretic and working against the hitherto accepted
notions of advaita or non-dualism. Yadavaprakasa is said to have even plotted to kill
Ramanuja while on pilgrimage to the north. But differences in interpretation of con-
cepts like “Brahmam” again arose and Ramanuja had to leave the school politely.
Straight he went to Tirukkachinambi, the pious and venerable saint doing humble
fanning service to Lord Varadaraja. He requested him to accept him as a disciple.
Nambi told Ramanuja that he was not well-versed in the Sastras and had no formal
education and was only doing some bodily service to the temple. For Ramanuja,
however, true deyotion to God and not mere knowledge was the real index of great-
ness. Intensively moved by Ramanuja’s sincere approach, Nambi asked him to bring
daily a jarful of water from a well, known as the c sala-well’, for the worship at the
Varadaraja temple which Ramanuja faithfully carried out. Even today, this practice
of bringing water daily from the same ‘sala-well’, about two miles away, is continued
in this temple. This is in accordance with the Vaishnavite principle that bodily service
or kainkarya to one’s personal God would give a sense of humility necessary for
true devotion.

One important episode mentioned in the Vaishnava hagiology is that Lord Vara-
daraja chose Tirukkachinambi as his medium to convey to Ramanuja the six famous
tenets of Visishtadvaita, which served as the guideline for Ramanuja’s teachings.
Tirukkachi Nambi advised Ramanuja to seek guidance under Peria Nambi at
Srirangam.

Meanwhile, Peria-nambi with his wife was coming towards Kanchi to meet
Ramanuja. They met each other at Madurantakam, about 40 miles south-east of
Kanchi on the main road to Srirangam The initiation ceremony took place there,
after which they all returned to Kanchi. Ramanuja set apart a portion of his own
house for them to live in and looked after all their comforts. He studied the Tamil
prabhandams at the master’s feet. Though Ramanuja rose above all caste distinc-
tions, his wife did not keep pace with her husband’s liberal and enlightened views. She

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Sri- Vaishnavism 63

picked up quarrels with Peria-nambi’s wife on trivial matters which made Peria-
nambi and his wife quit their house and return to Srirangam. Ramanuja was
disgusted with the petty-mindedness of his wife and felt deeply distressed for causing
difficulties to his Guru. Later on, he renounced the home and became a sanydsin
(ascetic). He came to be known as Ramanujamuni. He had his own matha , where
his nephew Kandadai Mudali-Andan and Kuresa or Kurattalvar joined as his
disciples. Thereafter, they became inseparable companions of Ramanuja, taking
part in religious and intellectual pursuits. Yadavaprakasa, it is said, also accepted
the Visishtadvaita philosophy and became a Yaishnavite. He was given the name
Gdvinda Jiyar. He also wrote a book ‘Yatidharmasamucchaya’ . Ramanuja’s fame
spread far and wide; his path of devotion and scholarship were universally ack-
nowledged.

Meanwhile, Peria-nambi who was at Srirangam wanted to instal Ramanuja as his
successor-head of the Sri-Vaishnava monastery {matha) at Srirangam and thus fulfil
the desire of the departed achdrya — Alavandar. Peria-nambi sent Tiruvarangaperu-
ma} Arayar (Vararanga) to Kanchi for inviting Ramanuja. Arayar was specially sent
for this because, he could sing his prayer beautifully before Perarulala and who would
be moved to grant the desired boon, namely, sending Ramanuja to Srirangam. Ara-
yar succeeded in his mission. Ramanuja accompanied by his companions Mudali-
andan and Kurattalvar and Arayar left Kanchi and settled down at Srirangam. He
then completed his studies under his teachers, namely, Tiruvarangapperumal Arayar
and Tirumalai Andan at Srirangam. He also went to TirukkottiyUr (in Ramana-
thapuram district) and learnt the sacred Tirumandiram from Tirukkottiyur-nambi.
Thus, Ramanuja had the unique opportunity to study different aspects of the religious
lore from Peria-nambi, Tirumalai- nambi, Tirukkottiyur-nambi, Tirumalai Andan and
Tiruvarangapperumal Arayar who were all the disciples of the great Yamunacharya
or Alavandar. With this rich legacy and his own in-born genius, Ramanuja was
considered eminently fitted to occupy the seat of the Achdrya at Srirangam adorn-
ed by such worthies like Nathamuni, Alavandar and Peria-nambi.

Srirangam became thenceforward the chief centre of his activities. He made
some wholesome reforms in the temple there, which are graphically detailed in the
koil-olugu , the temple-record of Srirangam . 11 The other two temples in which he
is said to have introduced some administrative or organisational reforms were Tiru-
malai and Tirunarayanapuram (Melkote ). 12 Though Kanchi did not figure as pro-
minently in his later life as before, the Guruparamparai mentions that during his
visits to Tirumalai and North India in connection with the collection of manuscripts
for writing his Sri Bdshyas , he visited Kanchi to seek the blessings of Lord Perarulala
and Tirukkachi-nambi. Further details of Ramanuja’s life like his flight to the
Mysore country consequent on the fear of Cho|a persecution, his conversion of the
Hoysala king to Vaishnavism, his composition of the magnum-opus the Sri Bashya
commentary etc., are too well known . 13 He became the leading light of the Vaish-
navite world by his teachings and reforms which had far-reaching effect on the sub-
sequent history of SrT-Vaishnavism in South India.

The three important acts of Ramanuja were : firstly , he refuted the mdyavdda of
Sankara and interpreted the Brahmasutras and Upanishads and the Bhdgavat Gitu in
the light of his own Visishtadvaitic system; secondly , he popularised the Divya-prabhan -

64 Sri Varadzrajaswdm: Temple — Kaflchi

dams or the divine songs of the Alvars; and thirdly , he inspired and trained a line
of worthy disciples to propagate his tenets.

The essential tenets of Ramanuja’s Visishtadvaita philosophy may briefly be re-
called : Narayana, the Supreme Lord, was endowed with all auspicious qualities like
omniscience (jnd.ia), strength (bald), sovereignty (aisvarya), constancy (virya), power
(sakti) and lustre ( tejas ), capable of granting salvation to those who surrendered
upto Him absolutely. 14 In the place of abstract, impersonal God or Nirgiina-Brah*
mam of the Advaita school, Ramanuja justified the need for a personal God, possessed
of all good qualities. He repudiated the doctrine of illusoriness of the material world
and the finite self and postulated that ultimate Reality is one in which the material
world and the finite self find a necessary place. He emphasised the importance of
self-surrender or prapatti as a means to receive the grace of the Lord. Just as Para -
matma or the Supreme Lord is personal and individual, the Jiva or the soul is also
personal and individual by nature and once emitted, lives for ever. It is never merg-
ed in the Brahmam or Bhagavan. 15 His doctrine of Bhakti and Prapatti had a
powerful influence on the outlook of the Srl-Vaishnavas . His work Gatyatraya is an
outstanding example of prapatti literature which contains his devotional out-pour-
ings on Lord Narayana and His consort Lakshmi. His philosophy inspired many
devotional poems during and after his life time, such as KUrattalvar’s Pancha -
stavams, one of which is the famous Varadarajastavam, on Lord Varadaraja. Ramanuja
advocated the path of devotion and self-surrender for all castes and even arranged
for the entry of outcastes into the temple at Melkote. He accepted Tirukkachi-
nambi of the Vaisya caste as his teacher. He had non-Brahman discipleslike Pillai-
Urangavalli-dasar. He gave them a definite place in the Vaishnava fold by encourag-
ing them to wear the pundra (mark on the forehead), to dress themselves like the
Sri - Vaishnavas and to study the Divya-prabhandams . 16

Ramanuja did much to popularise the compositions of the Tamil saints and
particularly the TiruvoymolJ of Nammalvar which contained the truths and tenets of
the upanishads , 17 In this he was only continuing the work started by Nathamuni
and Alavandar. Ramanuja authorised Kurukesa or Ten-kurukaipiran-pillan, son of
Tirumalai-nambi, to compose an authoritative commentary on Tiruvoymoli which the
latter did. It was known as the Irayirappadi or the Six-thousand, It was the first com-
mentary which was followed by a number of others like the Nine-thousand, the Twelve-
thousand, the Thirty six-thousand etc. It was Ramanuja, who was again largely
responsible for arranging to chant the Tamil Prabhandams in the temples along with
the vMic hymns during the period of worship and festivals. 18 Though the practice
might have started first at Srirangam, it soon became an essential feature in all
Vishnu temples. Today, the Ci Iyal Ghosti” or the Prabhanda- reciters are given
precedence and they form the vanguard of the temple processions. Sri Varadaraja-
swami temple is one of the few centres where there had been an unbroken line of
the Prabhanda-reciters and even today, one can see one of their largest and the most
impressive gatherings during the annual Vaisaka and other festivals. From the
inscriptions of the temple, we learn that even in A.D. 1129 during the life time of
Ramanuja the first Tamil Prabhandas of Poigai Alvar and Bhudattalvar were
popular here. 19 A record of the 14th century refers to the recital of Tiruvoymoli of
Satagopa at this temple. 20

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Sri- Vaishnavism 65

The third important act of Ramanuja was the creation of a set of spiritual leaders
or acharya-purushas to propagate the Visishtadvaitic philosophy far and wide. He
appointed seventyfour Simhdsanatfpatis out of whom he authorised a few to devote
themselves for the exposition of his Sri Bdshya in Sanskrit and the rest for the
exposition of the Tamil Prabhandams. This clearly shows that Ramanuja recognised
the importance of the Tamil Prabhandams which alone could be easily understood
by the vast majority of Tamil population being in their own mother-tongue. It was
also the duty of the acharya-purushas to maintain the form of temple-worship as
modelled by him.

Subsequent history has shown that the members of these distinguished families
rendered and are still rendering great service to the cause of spreading Ramanuja’s
teachings. They have carried his faith to the distant villages and homes not only in
Tamil country but far beyond in the Andhra, Mysore and Upper India too. At
important Vaishnavite centres at Tirumalai, Snrangam and Kanchi, the scions of
the families are still engaged in the service of the temple and dissemination of reli-
gious knowledge etc. The association of many of these acharya-purushas with
Kanchi will be mentioned in the sequel.

Ramanuja’s special attachment to Lord Varadaraja

Ramanuja’s special devotion to Lord Perarulala of Kanchi was already briefly
mentioned. A few more incidents can be recounted to illustrate this point. The
Guruparamparai informs us that when Kurattalvar’s eyes were plucked by the Choja
king, Ramanuja exhorted the former to do prapatti to Lord Varadaraja and compose
a laudatory poem on the Lord. Kurattalvar is said to have composed his famous
Varadarajastavam , a string of hundred beautiful verses on the deity. They are
recited in the Varadarajaswami temple on certain important occasions.

Another contemporary of Ramanuja was YajnamUrti who was first an Advaitin
and later brought to the Vaishnava fold by Ramanuja. As Ramanuja could do this
only by the grace of Arulala or Devaraja, he called his new convert as Devarajamuni
or Arulalapperumal-Emberumanar and assigned him the duty of offering daily puja
or worship to Lord Perarulaja kept for his (Ramanuja’s) private worship (aradhana).

Ramanuja’s deification in the temple

The impact of Ramanuja’s life and activities on the temple can hardly be exagge-
rated. His association with the temple in the formative years of his life and his
frequent visits to the same gave considerable importance to the temple m the esteem
of his associates and devotees. Many of the reforms in the temple set-up and form
of worship he introduced at Snrangam had their influence in this temple as will
be seen in later chapters. 21 In recognition of his great services, Ramanuja was
deified in the Varadarajaswami temple within 55 years after his demise. This is
attested by a record of Kulottunga III dated A.D. 1191 which informs us that an
influential Chola chieftain by name Ilaialvan Kalingarayan of Nettur consecrated the
image of Emberumanar (Ramanuja) and donated all the taxes accruing from two
villages to meet the expenses for the offerings to the deity. 22 The same donor Ilaial-
van made special provisions for the Bhdshyavritti or exposition of Rmianuja-bhdsya .
Ilaialvan was another name of Ramanuja. The donor was evidently a great devotee

66 Sn Varadarajaswclmi Temple— Kanchi

of Ramanuja, whose name, Tlaialvan’, he adopted as his own.

Section 2

THE POST-RAMANUJA PERIOD

Many of Ramanuja’s younger contemporaries like Embar, Battar, Kurukesa and
Nanjtyar who lived during the latter part of the 12th century, continued to serve the
cause of Sri-Vaishnavism as expounded by their great master Ramanuja by writing
commentaries and discoursing on the subject to their followers. Indeed, the post-
Ramanuja period was marked by a growing interest among his followers in the
interpretation and popularisation of his teachings which came to be known as
Ramanuja-darsanam. A series of commentaries on Nammalvar’s TiruvoymoU and
the prabhandams of the other Alvars were written in accordance with Ramanuja’s
avowed desire to popularise the works of the Tamil saints. Another development
which gradually reared its head and which Ramanuja could hardly have foreseen,
was the emergence of certain differences of opinion and interpretation among his
followers concerning chiefly (1) the prapatti-marga or the path of surrender and (2) the
relative importance of the Sanskrit and Tamil texts, besides various other matters.
Some of the followers gave importance to the Sanskrit texts and specialised in the
study and exposition of Sri Bashya, while others specialised in the Tamil prabhan-
dams of the Alvars. In course of time, two distinct modes of expounding the
Vaishnava-darsana or system came to be recognised. They were the Sri- B ashy a-
pravachana and the Dravidamnaya or the Bhagavat- Vishya-pravachana. The former
consisted of the study of vedanta-sutras with the help of Ramanuja’s commentary
on them. Sri-Bhagavat-Vishya-pravachana meant largely the study of the Nalayira-
Divya-prabhandam and the TiruvoymoU in particular, with the various commentaries
that appeared in a quick succession. But these two modes of exposition gradually
gave rise to the appearance of two separate schools with two paramparas or hagiolo-
gies or succession lists.

In course of time, the former came to be known as the Sanskritists or the Vada-
kalai school and the latter as the Prabhandic or the Tenkalai school. Kanchi was the
centre of the Vadakalai school while Srirangam was the centre of Tenkalai school.
But it should be remembered that the differences in interpretation or language did
not lead to any immediate schism or cleavage in the Sri-Vaishnava fold which had the
common object of serving the Ramanuja- dars ana. Even regarding the texts, the diff-
erence was one of preference. In fact, most of the followers of Ramanuja like Embar,
Battar, Kurukesa, Nanjlyar, Nampillai Per iavachan Pillai, Pijjai Lokacharya, Vedanta
Desika and others were well-versed m both Sanskrit and Tamil lore. In their works,
they struck a balance by adopting the manipravala style, a free mixture of Sanskrit
and Tamil words, which was peculiar to this period. So, the view of some scholars
that the acharyas of the Tenkalai school like Nampillai or Pillai Lokacharya were
not well-versed in the Sanskrit texts is as untenable as to say that Vedanta Desika
did not know the Tamil prabhandams. The works of the acharyas of Prabhandic
school were a series of attempts to interpret the Tamil hymns in terms of the known
Sanskrit authorities and hence, their works were full of citations and parables from
the Gird, the Rdmayaya, the Mahabharata etc. Similarly, Kurukesa and Vedanta Desi-

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of St i-Vaishnavism 67

ka of the so-called Vadakalai group wrote works in Tamil-— the former his commentary
on TiruvoymolJ and the latter several poems. Nor was there any antagonism between
these two groups. In fact, except for the past two or three hundred years when the
differences assumed a sectarian bias, the post-Ramanuja period was marked by a
remarkable unity of purpose in spite of diversity of interpretation. The period was
conspicuous by the absence of any sectarian rancour within the Vaishnava fold such
as the one witnessed in more recent years. The doctrinal differences that were sim-
mering got crystallised into two distinct groups or sects with two different sets of
Guruparamparais or lines of dcharyas , two different types of sect-marks etc., much
later than Vedanta Desika’s time. 23 In the post-Manavala Mahamuni’s time, we
can see the traces or the beginning of the cleavage though they were by no means
sharp even then. In many of his commentaries Manavala Mahamuni quotes as his
authorities not only from the works of the dcharyas of his own school but also from
those of Nadadur Ammal, Srutaprakasika Battar, Vednata Desika and even the lat-
ter’s son, Naina Varadacharya. From this, one thing is clear that even during his time
the differences did not assume any sectarian rift. His upadesaratnamalai gives the
hierarchy of the dcharyas of the prabhandic school, whereas the Guruparamparai of
the III Brahmatantra-svatantra Jiyar gives the list of dcharyas of the Vadakalai
school. Upto Ramanuja there is agreement between the two versions. Only after
Ramanuja, the hierarchy is divided into two lines,

Ramanuja (circa A. D. 1017-1137)

Prabhandic School

i

Battar (12th century)

Nanjlyar (12th century)

Nampillai (13th century)

Periavachan Pillai (13th century)

Vadakku Tiruvidi Pillai (13th century)

I

Pillai Lokacharya (13th & 14th

century — elder con-
temporary of Vedanta
Desika)

Manavalapperumal Nainar (do)

Tiruyoymoli Pillai (l 4th century)

Manavala Mahamuni (A.D. 1370-1443)

The dcharyas of the Prabhandic school mentioned above settled down at Sruangam
and successively held the apostolic leadership there, while Kanchi became the centre
of the Northern or Sri Bdshya school. We know for certain that the last four dcharyas

Sri Bashya School

i

Kurukesa (12th century)

I

Engal Alvan (12th c.)

I

Nadadur Ammal (13th c.)

f

Atreya Ramanuja (13th c.)

Vedanta Desika (A.D.

| 1268-1369)
■

Naina Varadacharya

(14th century)

68 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple — Kanchi

of the Vadakalai school viz., Nadadur Animal, Atreya Ramanuja, Vedanta Desika
and his son Naina Varadacharya had Kanchi as the centre of their activities.

The main doctrinal differences between these two schools may be summed up
here. 24

(i) Though both the schools were agreed on the necessity of prapatti or saranagati
i.e., self-surrender unto God as the path to salvation, the Vadakalai school held
that self-effort was needed on the part of the devotee. He should hold to God even
as the young monkey holds to the mother ( Markatanyaya or the monkey analogy).
The Tenkalai view is that God’s grace ( kripa ) is spontaneous, unconditional and
irresistible ( nirhatuka ) and descends on the living beings even if there is no self-
effort on the latter’s part. It is like the case of the mother-cat which holds its
young one m its mouth even though there is no effort on the latter’s part ( Mdrjaran -
yaya or analogy of the cat).

(li) Another doctrinal disagreement concerns the position of Sri or Lakshmi.
According to the Northern School, Lakshmi, like the Lord, is indistinguishable
from the Lord, equally infinite and illimitable. She too can grant final emancipation
or moksha. The Southern School holds her to be a finite being {Jim), though divine.
She is a superior servant of God. She is the mediatrix ( Purushakdra ) between the
sinning folk and the Lord. Because of infinite mercy she recommends to the Lord to
grant salvation, but she cannot grant it herself.

(iii) Another important point of difference is in connection with the caste
system. The northern school holds that while all the Bhagavatas are to be treated
with reverence, worshipping them should only be in strict accordance with the status
of their birth. It also holds the view that people of the lower caste are not entitled
to learn mulamantra and pranava. But the southern scho'ol holds liberal views on
these matters. 25 According to it, all Bhagavatas (devotees) are to be considered
equally high, born without distinction. True devotees, to whichever caste they
belong, are worthy of honour and worship as acharyas. The varna or status of
birth will wither away, the moment one becomes a blessed soul (Jati nasikkum). The
leaders of this school gave greater prominence to the Tamil saints— alvars— most of
whom belonged to the lower caste. Similarly, acharyas belonging to lower castes
like Tirukkachi-nambi, Pillai-Urangavalli-dasar are frequently praised in their
writings.

To these doctrinal differences were added a few more minor social and ritual
differences too. The differences are on matters like the efficacy of the pilgrimage,
the details of ceremonials to be observed on certain occasions, the shape of the sect-
mark, etiquette, the relation between the ascetics (sanyasins) and householders, the
tonsure of widow etc. 26 On the whole, the prabhandic school held more progres-
sive views on these matters. For example, it prohibited the tonsure of the widows
as an obnoxious practice. 27

But curiously, in the early stages, the doctrinal differences took a keen edge only
in academic level. There was never a check on free social harmony at home or
temple. But only in the recent centuries when the differences in the other forms
like the caste-mark, attachment to the rituals, assumed a greater importance, the
division has widened to make them almost two sub-castes. Particularly, the scram-
ble for control over the temple is conspicuously seen in the 19th century records.

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Sri-Vaishna vism 69

With these brief introductory remarks, let us review the activities of these acharyas
in relation to the growth of Sri-Vaishnavas at Kanchi in a chronological manner.

Battar and Kurukesa were younger contemporaries of Ramanuja. The former
was the son of Kurattalvar and is said to have succeeded Ramanuja in the apostolic
seat at Srirangam. 28 He wrote a commentary on the Vishnu- Sahasranama besides
Sri Ranganatha stotram. In the latter work he briefly mentions the Varadaraja
temple at Kanchi or ‘Karigiri’ as one of the important places dear to Ramanuja’s
heart. 29 Kurukesa or Pijlan was the author of the first commentary on Tiruvoy-
moU known as the Six-thousand. Battar’s disciple was NanjTyar who was an Advaitin
in his early days and was brought to the Vaishnava fold by Battar. NanjTyar
also wrote a commentary on the TiruvoymolJ known as the Nine-thousand. Engal
Alvar or Vishnu Chittarya also lived in the latter half of the 12th century.

In the first half of the 13th century lived Nampillai, the disciple of NanjTyar. 30
He was a greater scholar and thinker, whose discourses on TiruvoymolJ were
committed to writing by his disciple Vadakku-tiru-vidipillai. Nampillai’s commen-
tary came to be known as the Idu or the Thirtysix-thousand. The Idn is noted for
its remarkable literary flourishes and incisive comments and is therefore very popular
with a large section of the Sri-Vaishncrras . Under the inspiring leadership of Nam-
pillai, his two other disciples Peria Vachan Pillai and PinbaJagiya-perumal-Jiyar did
signal service to the cause of Sri-Vaishnavism, the former by composing a compre-
hensive commentary on all the Four-thousand prabhandams of the Alvars and the
latter by writing his famous Guruparamparai, a succession list of Acharyas upto the
time of his teacher, Nampijlai. This work, it is important to remember, does not make
any difference between the two schools and indeed deals with the life of Kurukesa
and Engal Alvan as well. There are a number of references in this work to the
, Kanchi temple, particularly, in connection with the life-history of Ramanuja and his
contemporaries which have been noted earlier.

A contemporary of Nampillai was Nadadur Ammal (circa A.D. 1200-1250) or
Varadacharya who was a disciple of Engal Alvan. He was the grandson of Nadadur
Alvan the nephew of Ramanuja and one of the seventyfour Simhasanadhipatis.
Nadadur Ammal is said to have preferred his native place Kanchi for his residence
and activities. He is said to have given regular discourses on the Sri Bashyas in the
premises of the Varadarajaswami temple at Kanchi. The substance of his lectures
and interpretations of Ramanuja’s Sri Bashya were committed to writing by his
talented disciple Sudarsana-Battar. The work was called the Srutaprakasika. It
was an important contribution which made the understanding of the Sri Bashya
easier. Nadadur Ammal’s other works were : the Tatvasaram, Prapannaparijatam
and the Paradhvdti Pahchagam. In the first work of the above list, he summed up
the teachings of the Upanishads. In the Paradhvati-Panchagam , he refers to Hastigiri
(Varadarajaswami temple) as one of the three most important among the 108 holy
Vishnu shrines. 31

The son and successor of Vadakku-tiruvidi Pillai was the famous Piljai Loka-
charya considered a leading light of the Prabhandic school. According to the
traditional account, he was born in Kali 4366 or A.D. 1265. A profound scholar
and prolific writer, he composed several treatises like the famous Tattvatraya,
Mumukshupadi and Sri Vachana Bhusharia wherein he has dealt with the doctrjne

70 Sit Vai adm ajaswami Temple —Kdilchi

of prapatti in all its bearings. His Sri Vachana Bhushana is an important work
which contains a number of terse aphorisms (in the manipravala style) on various
subjects such as Sri as the mediatrix ( Purushakdra ), the value of bodily service (kain-
karya) to God, devotion to God, devotion to the teacher ( acharyabhimana ), the
import of prapatti , the greatness of the archa or the idol form etc., which have all
become the foundation for the Tenkalai school. His writings are considered to be
the authoritative interpretation of the tenets of the Alvars and Ramanuja by the Sri-
Vaishnavas of the Prabhandic school. Pillar Lokacharya’s younger brother Alagiya-
manavala perumal Nainar was another distinguished scholar and commentator who
did much to popularise the greatness of Alvars and the tenets of the Prabhandic
school, wrote commentaries on Tamil hymns like the Amalanadipirdn and Andal’s
Tiruppavai. But his best-known work is the Achdrya-Hridayam in which he brilliantly
expatiates on the heart (Hridaya) of Nammalvar. In it, while writing about the Alvar’s
eclectic outlook, which knew no caste or class restrictions, the author cites many
classic examples where the true devotees belonging to low station in life have been
honoured and worshipped by people of higher class. Sri Rama regarded the tribal
chief Guga as his brother. Similarly, the person of humble origin who did ‘panippu
kainkarya * at Tirumalai (Pushpa-mandapa) was venerated by the ruling king Tondai-
man; Tirukkachi-nambi who did the fanning ( alavatta ) service to the Lord at
Hastigiri (Tyaga-mandapa) was honoured by Ramanuja as his guru; Tiruppan-alvar,
an outcaste who sang his soul-stirring songs addressed to the Lord Ranganatha at
Srirangam (Bhoga-mandapa) was venerated by Ulogasaranga-Mahamuni. 32

Nadadur Ammal’s disciple was Atreya Ramanuja alias Appillar who lived in
Kahchi about the middle of the 13th century A.D. He also wrote a commentary on
the Sri-Bashya. He was the maternal uncle of the great Vedanta Desika. The
latter in his works frequently expresses his indebtedness to his uncle and guru. In
one context he says that he is merely giving outward expression to what is inscribed
in his mind by his acharyaP

Ved^ata Desika (AD. 1268-1369)

The traditional date of Vedanta Desika’s birth is Kali 4371 or § 1190 correspon-
ding to A.D. 1268. He is said to have lived for a full span of 100 years. He was
bora in Tappil, a suburb of Kanchipuram. His father Anantasuri was an acharya -
purusha. His mother Totadriyamma was the sister of Atreya Ramanuja. The latter was
a renowned scholar and Venkatanatha studied under him and mastered different aspects
of the religious literature at a comparatively young age. He was endowed with
retentive memory, critical mind and gift for interpretation. Added to this was his
innate poetic talents. All these made him a versatile writer whose works were
characterised by beauty of diction and deep spiritual insight. He was a poet, philo-
sopher and controversialist who won coveted titles like the Kavitarka-simha, the lion
of poets and philosophers and Sarvatantra-svatantra , the master of all science and
knowledge. His life-story can briefly be sketched here.

. As a young boy, Venkatanatha used to accompany his maternal uncle AtrSya
Ramanuja to the discourses given by Nadadur Ammal. He showed extraordinary
grasp of even complicated subjects and mastered the Vedas, the Vedangas, agamas
etc. He is said to have entered into a controversy with Vidyara^ya and defeated

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Sri- Vaishnavism 71

him. He also arbitrated in the polemical dispute between Vidyaranya and
Akshabyamuni. 34 He visited places like Tiruvendipuram, Srimushnam and
Srlrangam. It was at Srirangam that he defeated the Advaita scholar Krishnamisra
and the titles of Vedantdcharya and Sarvatantra-svatantrar were conferred on him.
He composed his famous works like the Satadushini , Sankalpa-Silryodaya, Yadava-
bhyitdaya, Yatiraja-saptati , Srl-stuti , Bhu-stuti etc. It was during his stay at Sriran-
gam that the place was overrun by the Muslim invaders who sacked the temple.
This compelled many Sri-Vaishnava leaders to leave the place or commit self-immola-
tion. Pillai Lokacharya saved the idol of Ranganatha by taking it to the forests,
while Vedanta Desika had to retire to Satyamangalam near Coimbatore. He is said
to have saved the copy of the Srutaprakasika commentary on the Sri-Bashya. He
came back to Srirangam and spent his last days peacefully. 35

His intimate connection with Kanchi and his special love for Lord Varadaraja,
are evident in many of his works. Though he has composed verses on many temples
at Kanchi such as Tiruvehka, Dlpaprakasar, Ashtabhuja, he had special attachment
for Lord Varadaraja. His Varadaraja-Pahchasat contains fifty stanzas in praise of
the Lord which would serve as an ideal prapatti prayer-song for the worshippers.
It is also a good elucidation of the philosophy of Visishtddvaita. This work of
Desika is recited on certain important occasions in front of Lord Varadaraja. 36
Rut perhaps one of the most heartfelt tributes he had paid to his favourite deity is
to be found in his Vairagya-Pahchaka which he wrote on the occasion when he
declined the rewards and invitation from the contemporary Vijayanagar court. 37
His Tamil poem Adaikkalapattu also embodies his boundless love for Lord Aruiala
to whom he does prapatti. He says m the first verse, that even the deep devotion or
Baktiyoga has failed to give him the salvation. He ran about all directions and
finally fell at the feet of Lord Perarujala of Attigiri in Kanchi, which is the most
important among the seven sacred cities. To show the value of the prapatti-mdrga
or the path of surrender, he says that he fell as the famous crow (Kakasura) fell at
the feet of Rama. 38 Another verse cites the well-known stories of Vibhishana,
Draupadi, Gajendra and others who attained salvation by absolute surrender unto
God. 39 In another verse, he recommends the study of the Vedas, the Tamil
prabhandam of the Alvars and the works of the Acharyas like Ramanuja to know the
greatness of the prapatti-mdrga . 4o His remarkable mastery of the Sanskrit and Tamil
lore is attested by his sumptuous works. He gave discourses on the Sri-Bashya thirty
times. One of the important services rendered by Desika was his saving of the Sruta -
prakasika , a commentary on Ramanuja’s Sri-Bashya by Srutaprakasika Battar from
the chaos that followed the Muslim sack of Srirangam in A.D. 1328. This is the
reason why Vedanta Desika’ s name is gratefully invoked before the commencement
of the study of Srl-Bashya by all the Srl-Vaishnavas without any sectarian difference.

Alvars’ Tamil prabhandams were also dear to him. He pays his tribute to those
saints in his Dravidopanishad-sara . He pays tribute to the prabhandam- reciters of
Tondaimandalam in one of his poems thus :

“Long live the Brahmins of Tondaimandalam
Long live those who are well- versed in the spotless Tamil Vedas.’* 41
The Vadakalai version of the Guruparamparai mentions that the Sri- Vaishnavas of the
Tenkalai school were not favourably disposed towards Vedanta Desika and they

72 Si i VaraJa, -djamdmi Temple— Kanchi

boycotted him. But scholars of the Tenkalai school like Sri P.B. Annangarachariar
consider this story as nothing but a figment of imagination and that it is not support-
ed by facts. 42 They point out that neither the works of Desika nor his contempo-
raries have any reference to such rivalry. The earliest and the reliable biography of
Vedanta Desika is only the Acharya Champu written by an admirer of Desika and
it does not contain any such story. It does not contain even a hint of any sectarian split
in the Srl-Vaishnava fold, and much less of any ill-will among sects. 43 Their conten-
tion is that there were no Vadakalai-Tenkalai sects in the times of Desika and that
all the Sri-Vaishnavas held him in high regard and esteem. In the entire gamut of
literature of the Tenkalai teachers, it is pointed out, there is not even a hint of disres-
pect for Desika. On the other hand, it is stated they have paid encomiums to him.
PiJJai Lokacharya has composed a taniyan , laudatory verse in praise of Vedanta
Desika. Manavajamuni, in many of his commentaries, quotes many authorities
from the works of Vedanta Desika, whom he respectfully calls “Abhyuktar”. Subse-
quent Tenkalai dcharyas like Prativati Bhayankaram Annan and Doddayacharya have
paid their homage to him.

Anandalvan of Mysore, a celebrity of the Tenkalai school who lived in the early
part of the 19th century and Kunrapakkam swami, another reputed scholar of the
Tenkalai school who lived later, have extolled the greatness of Desika and made
frequent references to his works in their own writings. The latter respectfully hails
him ‘Jayati Bhagwan Vedantarya-sa-tharkikakesari 5 in his work Tatva-Ratndvali.
Even on doctrinal matters like prapatti, the position of Lakshmi etc. , the Tenkalai
school claims that Desika’s writings were in support of their own school. It is
further pointed out that because of their continuous pratibhakti or devotion to Vedan-
ta Desika, that the Tenkalai school installed his image in almost all the temples
under their control and celebrated festivals for him. All these are pointed out to
show that Desika was equally dear to them and the Vadakalai version of any antago-
nism is anachronistic and fictitious. They point out that Vedanta Desika lived in
perfect harmony and amity with his contemporary dcharyas who had equal venera-
tion for him. Vedanta Desika has, in his works, paid tributes to the Srl-Vaishnava
luminaries of the Prabhandic school at Srirangam. It was this abiding love and
regard for these dcharyas that made Vedanta Desika deeply yearn for his return to
Srirangam, after he had to leave the place during the Muslim attacks on the temple.
He gave expression to this intense longing in one of the verses in his famous poem
Abhfdastavam :

‘‘Oh Lord ! Let me reside in Srirangam near

the great ones who are mutualwell- wishers. 5 ’ 44
He had great admiration for the Purvdcharyas like Nampiljai, Peria-vachan
PiJJai and PiJJai Lokacharya from whose works he has drawn inspiration. At several
places he has approvingly quoted from the commentaries of Peria Vachan Pillai
whom he endearingly calls as ‘acharya 5 . 45 From the foregoing discussion it can be
inferred that though there were two different schools of thought with regard to some
doctimal matters, there was no mutual livalry or competition. Indeed, till recently,
both the "schools were considered complementary to each other— one specialising in
exposition of the Sanskrit and the other in the Tamil prabhandams for the eslablish-
, ment of the greatness of the Visishtadvaitic philosophy. This state of mutual respect

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Sn-Vaishnavism 73

continued even upto the end of the 18th century A. D. But m the very nature of
things, the tenets of the Prabhandic school became extremely popular w ith the vast
masses of the people because of the use of the Tamil language and the celebration of
the festivals of the Tamil saints and various other reasons which are explained in a
later context.

Nayana Varadachariar

Vedanta Desika’s son Nayana Varadacharya alias Kumara Vedantacharya also
lived and studied at Kahchi. He studied under his own distinguished father and
began to give discourses of Sri-Bashya. He wrote a commentary on Adikarana
Saravali. He is considered the last of the Vadakalai acharyas . His life period was
during the 14th century and with him the pUrvacharya line among the Vadakalais
came to a close.

Brahmatantra-Svatantrar

Another disciple of Vedanta Desika was Brahmatantra Svatantra swami who
spent his early years at Kahchi and later settled down at Tirupati. He figures in an
epigraph at Varadarajaswami temple dated A.D. 1359 as the head of a matha in
Kahchi. 46 It is said that this matha was later on shifted to Tirupati and then to
Melkote (Mysore State) where it later became the famous Parakala-matha. This is
discussed fully elsewhere. Brahmatantra-Svatantrar figures both in the Sri-Bdshya
Guruparamparai and the Bhagavat-Vishya paramparaf 7

Prativati Bhayankaram Annan

Kumara Vedantacharya or Varadacharya had a disciple— Prativati Bhayankaram
Annan — who learnt Sri Bashyam under him and then wrote his commentary on it
named Sukapakshiyam , besides a few more like the commentaries on the Bhagavata
and the Ashtasloki. He was one of the leading scholars of the time living at Kahchi.
Then he lived for some time at Srlrangam and wrote his Saptati Ratnamdlika , the
jewel-garland of 70 verses in praise of Vedanta Desika. 48 He later on studied Thirty-
six thousand commentary (on the Tamil prabhandani) under Manavala Mahamuni,
became one of the latter’s eight chief disciples known as Ashtadiggajas appointed for
the propagation of the Prabhanda creed. He composed many laudatory verses in
praise of Manavala Mahamuni which are regularly recited by the Tenkalai people.

Manavala Mahamuni (A.D. 1370-1443)

The life and activities of Manavala Mahamuni constitute another milestone in
the history of SrI-Vaishnavism. By his writings as well as his organising genius, he
has left indelible impression on a vast majority of Sri-Vaishnava devotees.

Manavala was born in A.D. 1370 at Alvar Tirunagari the birth place of
Nammalvar, 49 He was the disciple of Srisailesa alias Tiruvaymolippillai, who
was in turn the disciple of the great Piljai Lokacharya. After leading married life for
some time, he became an ascetic and settled down at Srlrangam where he had his
matha. 50 He was known as the Peria Jiyar. 51 His erudition and dedication to the
cause of spreading the message of the Alvars and Ramanuja won wide recognition.
His discourses at Srirangam temple became popular and the people were delighte^

74 Sri Varadariijasw&mi Temple— KMchi

to hear liib brilliant exposition of the Alvars’ hymns m all their ramifications. Eminent
scholars like Koil Kandadai Annan, Prativati Bhayankaram Annan and Erumbi-
appa and ascetics like Vanamamalai Jiyar became his disciples.

Once he visited Kanchipuram and stayed there for a year to complete the Srl-
B ashy a studies under Kidambi Nayanar, a distinguished scholar at Kanchi. He gave
a series of discourses in the temple of Tiruvekha. He worshipped Lord Varadaraja
and paid his homage to him by composing his Devaraja-mangalam. It contains 12
Sanskrit verses which describe the divine origin of the deity and the benign
qualities of Lord Varadaraja. 52

Manavala Mahamuni’s chief contribution lies in the popularisation of the Alvars’
Divya-prabhandams and the commentaries thereon like the Idu-Thirtysix thousand.
It is said that the latter work was confined to a few private hands and it was he who
popularised it. He also added a glossary to it called Idu-Pramanatirattu. He also
wrote a series of illuminating commentaries on the esoteric aphorisms of Pillai
Lokacharya like the Sri-Vacana-Bhushana , Tatvattriyam , Rahasytrayam , Alagia
Manavala Nainar’s Acharya-Hridayam , Amudanar’s Ramanuja-Nurrandadi. In
order to popularise the works of his predecessors, he wrote a number of
“digests” or Tirattu , like the Idu-Pramana-tirattu, Tat vatraya-pramana-tira\tu
etc. Besides, a full poem on Ramanuja’s greatness, Yatiraja-Vimasati, he
wrote a short poetic biography of the Alvars and Acharyas, entitled the Upadesa -
ratnamdlai . 33 Written in limpid and moving style, this poem has become famous and
is recited on important occasions in almost all Vishnu temples, including Varadaraja-
swami temple. It is a fine poem of 73 stanzas expatiating on the spiritual greatness
of the Alvars and their works and the masterly commentaries written by the
Prabhandic acharyas. Because of his unparalleled service to the cause of propaga-
tion of the liberal doctrines of the Alvars, Manavala Mahamuni is given a special
place of honour in the temples, and his presence and blessings are invoked before
the commencement of the recital of the prabhandams. Laudatory poems written by
his disciples — like the Varavaramuni-Sadakam by Erumbiappa, Yatindrapravana-pra -
hhavam by Pillai Lokam Jiyar— clearly show that he was held in veneration in his own
life-time as an avatara (incarnation) of Ramanuja.

There is a separate shrine for Manavala Mahamuni in the Varadarajaswami
temple and a regular ten-day annual festival is conducted in the Tamil month of
Aippasi on his birth asterism.

The popularity of the Prabhandic school and Manavala Mahamuni’s
contribution

Thus, from the foregoing account, it can be seen that one line of acharyas or
preceptors showed a marked preference to the study and exposition of the Srl-Bashya
in the light of the ancient Sanskrit texts, whereas the other line displayed a strong
attachment to the study of the Tamil verses of Nammalvar and other Alvars. The
leaders of the former school were undoubtedly men of great learning and character,
recognised by all as the authoritative exponents of the Vedic and the P uranic lore.
But the great emphasis they laid on the strict observance of the daily rituals like the
japa , homa etc., enjoined by the Sdstras, their concentration on the Sanskrit texts and
their orthodox and conservative social views inevitably made their tenets more

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Sri- Vaishnavism 75

exclusive. On the other hand, the Southern or the Prcibhandic school ad\ocated a less
ritualistic and more devotional and popular approach to religion. They gave great
prominence to the Tamil saints and their inspired hymns which brought them closer
to the vast majority of the non-Brahmin community. 54 The festivals they organised
for the Tamil saints many of whom were from the lower castes were participated
with great enthusiasm by the common folk who lavished endowments for the same.
As has been observed by Prof. P.N. Srinivasacharya, ‘The chief contribution of
Tenkalaism to the cause of SrI-Vaishnavism consisted in its democratic dissemina-
tion to all people of the truths of the darsana confined till then to the higher castes.” 53

Moreover, the Prabhandic school laid greater emphasis on Kainkarya or personal
service to God in the idol ( archa ) form in the temple as against karma or performance
of ritualistic duties like homa , japa etc. This brought them closer to the temples and
their services. To such a popular creed, Manavala Mahamunfs writings and organising
genius gave a further impetus. He gave a permanent organisational basis to it by
appointing authorised teachers known as Astadiggajas 56 in different parts of the Sri-
Vaishnava world from Mysore to Kanyakumari. These leaders “made the Prabhan-
dic cult highly prosperous throughout the land. Theird escendants have carried on
the torch of learning and teaching. The celebrated monasteries of Yanamamalai,
Tirupati and other places have produced great men of attainments and character who
made the tenets of Varavaramuni popular in the courts as well as in the ordinary
households. 57 It is no wonder that a vast majority of the Vishnu temples came under
their spell. Sri Varadarajaswami temple is no exception to this general rule.

Manava]a Mahamuni’ s deification in the temple

His tenets and teachings were popular at Kahchi also which led to his deification
in the Varadarajaswami temple sometime towards the end of the 15th century or the
beginning of the 16th century. An inscription dated A.D. 1555 records endow-
ments to various alvars and acharyas in the temple during their Tirunakshatram or
birth-star. 58 The list is exhaustive and includes all the twelve alvars and the follow-
ing acharyas :

Tirukkachi Nambi

(birth star Mrigasirsham )

Emberumanar

( -do-

Tiruvadirai )

Kurattalvar

( -do-

Hastam )

Nathamuni

( -do-

Anusham )

Peria Jiyar

( -do-

Mulam )

Peria Jiyar was another name for Manavala Mahamuni whose birth-star was Mulam.
This epigraph clearly shows that Manavala- Mahamuni was held in high esteem and
ranked with great acharyas like Emberumanar and Nathamuni, even as early as
A.D. 1555. His deification might well have taken place considerably earlier than the
date. Another inscription dated S 1504 (A.D. 1582) records an endowment for
various festivals including the one in honour of Manavala-mahamuni on the birth
anniversary falling m the month of Arpasi ( Manavdla-mahamuni-arppasi-mula Sirappu ). 59

A copper-plate grant dated A.D. 1724 records endowment of villages for various
charities in the temple including the feeding of devotees in the shrine of Peria Jiyar
during the annual festival ( Peria Jiyar Sannidiyil Nadakkira Nitya tariyaradanai ). 60

The deification of Manavala-Mahamuni and continuous endowments for the celebra-

76 Sri Varadard jasn dmi Temple— KMchi

tions of his birth-da} and the conspicuous absence ol mention of any of the acharyas
of the Vadakalai school in any of the inscrptions of this temple may perhaps go to
show the growing influence of the Prabhandic school in this temple. 61

Section 3

THE POST-MANAVALA MAH A MUNI PERIOD
(A.D. 1440 TO THE END OF THE 18TH CENTURY )

With Manavaja Mahamuni we come to the end of the line of Purvdcharyas. From
this period onwards i.e., from the middle of the 15th century A.D., the history of
Sri- Vaishnavas has to be reckoned by reviewing the services of a number of distinguish-
ed Acharya-purushas and other Vaishnava leaders. Another important development
was the great spurt in the activities of the Jxyars or ascetics, many of whom were
appointed to look after the proper conduct of worship in the temples. A number
of seminaries or mathas like the Alagiya-manavala-Jlyar-matha, Van-Satagopa-
matha and the Vanamamalai-matha gave an organised lead to the Sri-Vaishnavas and
ministered to their religious needs. Besides these, there were a number of local
mathas . In Kahchi too, there were a few mathas attached to Sri Varadarajaswami
temple mainly for the propagation of Ramdnuja-darsana . The work of the mathas will
be reviewed in a later context. We will now refer to the various Srl-Vaishnava leaders
associated with this temple from about the 15th century A.D. This period, it is
worthy to note, was specially conducive to the growth of Vaishnavism because of the
ardent enthusiasm and patronage of the Vijayanagar kings, who were devoted Vaish-
navas. Though helpful and symathetic to all other religions, they developed special
affinity to Vaishnavism and extended their patronage to the acharyas and

institutions on a large scale. The Vijayanagar kings and nobles vied with one an-
other in extending their patronage on a lavish scale to the Sri- Vaishnavism and their
institutions. For Sri Varadarajaswami temple, it was indeed a prosperous period,
as it received enormous gifts by way of land, money, jewels, vehicles ( vahanas ) etc.
Many of its elegant structures like the beautiful Kalydna mandapa , the Kalyanakoti
vimdna , the eastern gopura , the vahana-mandapa , the imjal-mandapa , the Tula-
bhdra-mandapa etc., were constructed during this period. Another notable develop-
ment is the enormous increase in the celebration of festivals not only for the main
deity but also for all the Alvars and acharyas . Offerings in honour of Tirukkachi
Nambi, Kflrattalvar, Manavala Mahamuni are frequently referred to in the epi-
graphs of the 16th century. In short, it can be called a golden age for Srl-Vaishnavism
and also for our temple.

Alagia-manavala-J lyar

The most prominent Jlyar at Kahchi in the post-Manavala Mahamuni period was
Alagia-manavala-Jiyar. Several inscriptions datable to the latter half of the 1 5th
century and the earlier half of the 16th century, speak of his services to the temple and
his eminent position in the temple affairs at Kahchi. His life period was from A.D.
1420 to 1468. It was already pointed out that during this period there was a great
spurt in the activities of the Jlyars whose main function was to look after the proper
conduct of worship and festivals in the temple and to administer certain endowments

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Sri-Vaishnavism 77

and see that they were utilised for the purposes for which they were meant. Thus,
the Tirupati inscriptions as well as the Tirwnalai-olugu speak of the eminence of
Vada-Tiruvengada Jiyar, the Koil-kelvi of the temple. According to the Tirumalai -
olugu 6 3 Manavaja Mahamuni appointed his disciple Sriranga Narayana Jiyar as the
superintendent of the Srlrangam temple and Vada Tiruvengadam Jiyar as the Koil-
kelvi of the Tirupati temple. Inscriptions at Tirupati refer to successive Vada-Tiru-
vengada Jiyars. Alagia Manavala Jiyar seems to have held a similar position at
Kanchi from the last decade of the 15th century.

He was the disciple of Pattarpiran Jiyar, one of the ashtadiggajas of Manavala
Mahamuni. 64 It is interesting to note that Manavala was similarly known as Alagia
Manavala Jiyar. Thus, the affinity of Alagia Manavala Jiyar of Kanchi to Mana-
vala Mahamuni is beyond doubt. An interesting inscription of the latter half of the
15th century at Tirupati records the offerings to Lord on the birth-star of these two
ascetics (sanyasis) famed as The beautiful’ as both were called Alagia-manavalar. 65
The Sanskrit names of the two ascetics were Ramya-jamatru-muni (Manavala Maha-
muni) and Saumya-jamatru-muni — both meaning The beautiful’. Alagia-manavala-
Jiyar and his disciple Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyangar played a notable part in the
development of the temple. Both were contemporaries of the Vijayanagar king
Saluva Narasimha who was a great devotee of Venkatesvara of Tirumalai. Kanda-
dai Ramanuja Ayyangar was held in high esteem by Saluva Narasimha. From
Tirupati inscriptions, we know that Narasimha appointed Ramanuja Ayyangar as
the manager of the feeding houses or Ramanuja-kutas at Tirupati and also at Kanchi.
His activities at Kanchi are also well attested by the inscriptions (dating from A.D.
1487) found at the Varadaraja temple which will be-reviewed later. What is to be
noted here is, that he is frequently referred to as the disciple of Alagia-manavala
Jiyar of Kanchi. The earliest reference to the Jiyar is found in Tirupati inscription
dated S 1388 (A.D. 1466) and another in S 1391 (A.D. 1469). 68 Both of them
refer to him as a famous personality at Kanchi and the preceptor of Kandadai Rama-
nuja Ayyangar. Another inscription of Tirupati dated A.D. 1535 records xhe insti-
tution of offerings by Vada-Tiruvengada Jiyar (the Koil-kelvi at Tirupati) in honour
of his dchdrya (preceptor) Tiruvaymoli-perumal Nayanar and Paramacharya (pre-
ceptor of preceptors) Alagia Manavala Jiyar, whose birth star was asvini in the
month of Anif 7 From this epigraph we can infer that Alagia-manavala-Jlyar was
of advanced age or had already passed away.

The next Jiyar in succession, who was also called Alagia Manavala Jiyar, figures very
prominently in the Kanchi inscriptions dating from A.D. 1553 to A.D. 1562, during
the time of Sadasiva Raya. In some of them, he is designated as Sri-kdryam or
manager of the temple and in others as Koil-kelvi or the superintendent of the temple.
Two inscriptions dated A.D. 1558 and 1562 refer to Alagia Manavala Jiyar’ s gift of
four villages to meet the expenses for various offerings including a ten* day festival
for Tondaradippodi Alvar in the month of Tai GS and tiruvadyayana-utsavam for Sudik-
kodutha-nachiyar (Andal). He also made provision for offerings to Lord Varadaraja
when he visited Alagia-manavala-peruntoppu (garden named after the Jiyar) in the
Tamil months of Adi, Avani, Puraltasi, Karttigai , Mdsi and Vaikasi. In A.D. 1560,
Alagia-manavaja Jiyar the superintendent of the temple {koil-kelvi) gifted some lands
to the temple, the income from which had to be utilised for making elaborate provi-

IS Sri Varadamjaswami Temple— Kanchi

sions and offerings for festivals of Tiruppan Alvar and Alagia Singar (Narasimha).
The village was named Poigaippakkam alias Alagia Manavajapuram— named after
the Jlyar again. 69

The same Jlyar was responsible for many constructional activities in the temple.
According to the Vaibhavaprakdsika of the Alagia-manavaJa-Jiyar matha at Kanchi,
the Jlyar built the mandapa in front of the Tayar shrine, the western annexe to the
Ablush ek a-mandapa, the hundred-pillared Kalyana mandapa and reconstructed the
compound wall of the third prdkdra. It also says that he caused his own statue to be
carved in those structures. 70 This version is remarkably borne out by the presence
of the sculpture of the Jiyar in those buildings. In the mandapa in front of Tayar
shrine, his sculpture is found on the second pillar in the front row facing north. He
is depicted in standing pose with his antariya flowing right upto the ankle and a
cloth tied on the waist and having a tridanda in his hand. He wears a clear Tenkalai
mark on his forehead. An exactly similar figure is found in a niche at the top of
the compound wall of the fourth prdkdra on the north and east sides of the main
shrine. Alagia-manavala-Jiyar’s figure, with his typical dress of a Jlyar, is found in
two places at the Kalyana mandapa. Both are shown in seated postures holding the
tridanda and bearing the Tenkalai mark. It is pointed out that wearing the antariya
upto the ankle and tying another cloth on the waist, are typical characteristics of the
Jiyars of the Tenkalai school, whereas the Jlyars of the Vadakalai sect wear the lower
cloth only upto the knee and have the other piece of cloth near the arm-pit.

Perhaps, the same Alagia-manavala- Jiyar figures in two Sanskrit inscriptions
found at Vilakkoliperumal temple at Kanchi itself. Both are undated records which
refer to the construction of a certain mandapa and the prdkdra walls in that temple by
one Sankaradasa, a disciple of Alagia-manavala Jiyar. The Jiyar is eulogised in the
inscription as one who was well-versed in the Ubhaya-Vedanta (Sanskrit and Tamil
lore), deeply immersed in the philosophy of Sri Bashya and a veritable ornament of
Kanchi. 71

Further history of the successors of this Alagia-mapavala- Jiyar and the matha over
which they presided will be pursued in a later context.

Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyan

We know from the Tirupati inscriptions that one Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyan, who
was probably a Sattada -Sri-Vaishnava, was held m high esteem by the Yijayanagar
king, Saluva Narasimha. Ramanuja Ayyan or Ayyangar’s life-period was from 1430
to 1496. The king appointed him as the kartar or the guardian of the gold treasury
(Porpandaram) of the temple at Tirupati. 72 Ramanuja Ayyan was undoubtedly an
influential person who was instrumental in getting numerous grants from the king to
the Tirupati temple and particularly for the celebration of festivals for Alvars and
acharyas . 73 He also made many salutary reforms in that temple. He was appointed
the manager of the feeding houses or Ramanujakutams at Tirupati and probably else-
where also. From the inscriptions at Srlrangam we learn that he and his successors
were in charge of the Rdmdnuja-kuta there also. 74 A record of Saluva Narasimha
dated S 1409 (A.D. 1487) informs us that this Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyan was in
charge of the Rdmdnuja-kuta at Kanchi. It records a gift of money to VirUpaksha-
danayaka a chieftain of Saluva Narasimha for the reconstruction ceremony of the image

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Sri * Vaishnavism 79

of Perundevi Tayar in the temple and for laying out groves in the temple-lands etc.
He ordered that from produce of the lands certain offerings should be given to the
deities and one fourth of the offerings should be given to the ‘Kandadai-Ramanuja-
Ayyangar Ramanujakuta’ in the Sannidhi Street. 75 This epigraph clearly shows that
Kandadai Ramanuja-ayyangar was in charge of the Ramanuja-kuta situated at the
Sannidhi Street at Kanchi also as early as A.D. 1487. His connection with Kanchi
need not surprise us for the Tirupati inscriptions frequently refer to him as the
disciple of AJagia-manavala-Jlyar of Kanchi. 76

After his discipleship under Alagia-manavala-JTyar at Kanchi in his early years,
he went on pilgrimage to all the shrines of the south. He observed in detail how
the temple worship and various festivals were carried on in the famous temples like
Srlrangam where he did some notable service. His services at Srirangam and
Kahchipuram are mentioned in an incomplete tablet on the east wall of the Padika-
val gopuram m Tirumalai. 77 He won the respect and esteem of Saluva Narasimha
who appointed him as the kartar or manager of all the Ramanuja-kutas . His re-
forms* at Tirumalai are recorded in the inscriptions there. 78 Particularly, he did
much to popularise the festivals connected with the Alvars (like the Tiruvadyayana
festival, Tiruvaymoh-sirappu) and Ramanuja there. He gave prominence to the
prabhandam-Tecitzl and associated even the Sattada-Vaishnavas in it. 79 The intimate
association of Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyangar and his disciples with the Srlrangam
temple is attested not only by the Srlrangam inscription but also the kdil-olugu . 80
It eulogises his benefactions to the temple. He is said to have obtained the dasya-
nama Kandadai Ramanujadasan at the hands of koil-Kandadai Anna, one of the
eight chief disciples of Manavala Mahamuni. He doned the robes of Ekangi and
was in charge of the various branches of the temple organisation. 81

Successive members of this family were in charge of the Rdmanuja-kutas at
Kanchi as at Tirupati and Srlrangam. 82 An epigraph dated A.D. 1512 (in Krishna-
dSva Raya’s time) records an endowment by a member of the Chettiar community
for offerings for Tirukkachi-nambi in the name of the donor’s acharya (preceptor)
Kandadai-ayyangar. 83 An inscription dated A.D. 1530 records an endowment of
2,600 gold coins by Kandadai-Ramanuja-ayyangar, the dharmakartha of the chari-
ties of Rdmanuja-kutam in the Sannidhi Street. 84 It was to be utilised for various
festivals, processions and offerings to Perarulala and Mahalakshmi. The next re-
cord dated A.D. 1537 registers a royal gift in honour of Tirumala Raya, the nephew
of the king Achyutaraya. The donated money of 300 pon was entrusted to Kanda-
dai-Ramanuja-ayyangar of the Ramanuja-kuta , who had to conduct the various festi-
vals which included the Tiruvadyayana-festiv&l for the Alvars and offerings on the
day of the birth-asterism ( Tai-chitra ) of Kandadai-Ramanuja-ayyangar. 85 This epi-
graph clearly shows Kandadai Ramanuja was held in high esteem and trust by the
Vijayanagar kings. Next year i.e., A.D. 1538 Kandadai Ramanuja-ayyangar is spe-
cifically mentioned as the manager (Srf-kdryam) of the temple in an epigraph which
records the grant of Vada Tiruvengada Jlyar, the koil-kehi at Tirupati. The giant
was for the Tiruvadyayana-fcstYval in the month of mar gal i. It gives the shares for the
prabhanda- reciters of the Brahmin community. From this epigraph we also under-
stand that importance was given to the Sattada-Vaishnavas or non-Brahmin devotees
in the temple. One of the shares of the prasadam was to go to the Ramanuja-kuta , 86

80 Srf Varadarajash'dmi Temple — Kaftchi

Another epigraph of the Vijavanagar times, the exact year of which is however
not given, records that one Kandadai Annanayyangar evidently a member of the
same Kandadai family conducted certain festivals during which the Tinippallandu-
hvmns of Periahar were recited. The grant was made by royal officer Rayasam
Timmakkan . 87

The foregoing instances go to show that the descendants of Kandadai Ramanuja-
ayyangar were highly respected by the kings and common folk alike. Particularly,
they had numerous Sattada Yaishnavas as disciples who lavished endowments both
at Tirupati and Kanchi. Another noteworthy point is that they paid particular care
to create endowments for the celebrations of the festivals in honour of the alvars and
the achdryas like Tirukkachi-nambi and also for maintaining the due shares for the
prabhandcun - reciters who are frequently mentioned in their inscriptions. They
showed special patronage to the festivals of the Alvars. Their services to the temples
at Silrangam and Tirupati are eulogised m the koil-ohigu. All these factors to-
gether with the disci pleship of the first Kandadai Ramanuja to Alagia-manavaja-
Jlyar at Kanchi and his devotion to ^//-Kandadai Annan of Srirangam, one of the
eight chief disciples of Manavala Mahamuni — all clearly show their affiliation to the
Prabhandic school. 88 It was already shown that Manavaja Mahamuni was deified
in this temple sometime earlier than A.D. 1555. Probably, it was done during
the time of the first Kandadai Ramanuja- ayyan gar, the powerful lieutenant of
Saluva Narasimha.

Van-Satagopa Jiyar

One of the influential mathas of the second half of the 15th-16th century whos
presiding Jlvars did yeoman service in the cause of Sri-Vaishnavism , was the Van-
Satagopa matham , later known as Ahdbila-ma^a. Adi Van Satagopa Jiyar, the
founder of the rnatha , was the guru of Allasani Peddanna, the poet-laureate of the
Vijayanagar monarch Krishnadeva Raya. The Jiyar is eulogised as the “asylum
of all learning” by Peddanna in his Manucharitamu . 89 The king himself m his
Amuktamalyadd praises Van Satagopa 5 s efforts to popularise Sri-Vaishnavism in the
Andhra country. 90 The date of birth given to the Jiyar in the Sannidhi guruparam-
para has been found to be antedated by 60 years. Calculating from the epigraphi-
cal data available at Kanchi and Tirupati, it has been shown that Van Satagopa
Jiyar was born in A.D. 1437 and lived upto A.D. 1516. His pontificate for sixty
years should have continued until the beginning years of Krishnadeva Raya. 91 At
Varadarajaswami temple a record dated S 1431 or A.D. 1509 mentions the gift of
a land in a village named Van-Satagopapuram evidently after the Jiyar. 92

He is said to have been a native of Melkote near Mysore. He spent his early
years at Kanchi and pursued studies under a well-known scholar Ghatikastanam-
ammal alias Varadakavi. After leading married life for some time, he proceeded to
Ahbbilam (in Kurnool District in Andhra Pradesh) and is believed to have received
initiation into Sanyasa-asrama (ascetic life) at the hands of God Narasimha.

According to the Tenkalai tradition. Van Satagopa Jiyar was devoted to Manavala
Mahamuni for whom he built a shrine at Melkote. 93

Adi Van-Satagopa was succeeded first by Sriman Narayana Jiyar and next by
Parankusa Jiyar I. The former occupied the gadi from A.D. 1515 to 1528, and the

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Srf-Vmshnavism 81

latter from A.D. 1528 to 1541. 94 Narayana Jlyar lived almost to the end of Krishna-
deva Raya’s reign while his successor Parankusa Jlyar was a contemporary of Krishna-
deva and Achyuta^Raya. There are two records at Varadarajaswami temple, Kanchi,
dated S 1452 and S 1461 corresponding respectively to A.D. 1530 and 1539 which
mention the Parankusa Jlyar’s offering to this temple during auspicious occasions like
the Chaturmasa-Ekadasi days and on the Kausikadvadasi days. 95 He also made provi-
sion for reading the Kausika purana on the Kausikadvadasi days. Three villages in
Damarkottam were donated by him for meeting the expenses of 15 Ekadasi days.
The items of expenditure included the presentation of cloth to one who recited the
Kausika-purana.

These instances clearly show that the Jiyars of the Van-Satag5pa matha took keen
interest in fostering the religious faith and observances in many Vaishnava temples
of South India.

Paravastu and Nallan Chakravarti families

In Achyutaraya’s inscriptions of the temple several members of the Srl-Vaishnava
families are mentioned. A record dated S 1460 (A.D. 1538) mentions a gift to
this temple by Vada Tiruvengada Jlyar the koil-kelvi or the temple-superintendent at
Tirumalai and disciple of Paravastu Naynar Ayyangar. 96 Another epigraph of the
same king records a gift by a member of the well-known Acharya-purusha family,
Nallan Chakravarti. He made a gift of 1,200 pon (gold) to the temple, out of which
150 pon should be granted to Govinda Ayyangar, the son of his preceptor Nallan
Chakravarti Sriranga Ayyangar. The latter was given one eighth of the offerings. 97

Tallapakkam family

The members of this family were renowned musicians and poets who composed
hundreds of devotional songs set to music and sang them regularly in the presence
of Lord Venkatesvara of Tirumalai. They were Nandavarika Brahmanas and be-
longed to the Bharadwaja-gotra. Annamacharya or Sankirtanacharya, the well-
known Telugu poet and musical-composer, was the earliest member of this family.
He lived during the reigns of Saluva Narasimha and Krishnadeva Raya. He was
first a Smartha and later became a staunch adherent of Ramanuja-siddanta. His son
Pedda or Peria Tirumala-ayyangar, grandson Siru or Chinna Tirumala-ayyangar and
his great grandson Tiruvengalappar figure in the inscriptions of our temple as donors.
The epigraphs at Tirupati testify to their prosperity and also their liberal benefactions
to the temple there. 98 Here in our records too, their donations are recorded. Thus, an
epigraph dated S 1474 (A.D. 1553) records that Pedda Tirumala-ayyangar and his
son together provided for offerings for God Arulala and arranged for conducting cer-
tain festivals at specified scales of expenditure. 99 Pedda Tirumala ayyangar was
a profound scholar and philosopher. His son Chinna Tirumala ayyangar was also a
prolific composer, whose works include Adhyatma-sankirtana-Lakshanam . His various
other benefactions to Govindaraja temple at Tirupati and the temple at Tiruchanur
are recorded in the inscriptions of those places. 100

Another member of the Tallapakkam family of poets was Chinn a-Tirumala
ayyaagar’s son Tiruvengalappar. In S 1475 (A.D. 1553) he donated the income
from two villages to the Varadarajaswami temple to be utilised for certain offerings

82 Sri Varadcsrajaswami Temple — Kafichi

on festival days. 101 He wrote a commentary in Telugu called Bdlaprabodini or
Amara . In the preface to this w r ork, he traces his descent from Tallapakkam Anna-
macharya.

The Kanchi records clearly show that the beneficial hand of the Tallapakkam
family extended even npto Kanchi.

Anandam Pillai

An epigraph dated A. D. 1535 records an endowment for the festival of Tiruk-
kachi-nambi and stipulates certain shares in the prasadam for the preceptors like
Anandam Piljai Iyengar and the SrI-Vaishnavas reciting the Prabhandas?^ 2 The mem-
bers of Anandam Pillai family are found still in Kanchipuram and other places and
they are staunch exponents of the Prabhandic or Tenkalai school. It is interesting to
recall here that another member of the Anandam Pillai family residing at Tirumalai
donated (in A.D. 1545) a large sum of money to the temples of Tirumalai and
Tirupati for offerings during the time when the “kanninum-Sirutt dmbu" verses in
praise of Nammalvar were sung in the annual Adyayanotsavam festival. 103

Parakala Alagia Singar

There is an interesting record dated S 1477 (A.D. 1555) which mentions an endow-
ment made by Parakala Alagia Singar of Tirunarayanapuram, son of Mudumbai
Appiljai Annavaivvangar. 104 He was probably the head of the Parakala matha of
Tirunarayanapuram or Melkote, His father was a native of Mudumbai village to
which the great Pillai Lokacharya also belonged. Here in this record Parakala
Alagia Singar made sumptuous gift of lands for meeting the expenses for offerings
for all the Alvars and some debar ya-purushas on their respective aster ism. The
dcharyas mentioned are : Nathamuni, Emberumanar (Ramanuja), Kurattalvar,

Tirukkachi-nambi and Peria-Jiyar or Manavala-Mahamuni ( Mulam star). The
birth-star of Parakala Jiyar (star Uttiram) either himself or one of his predessors is
also included.

Tatacharya family

Another famous Sri-Vaishnava family was that of the Tatacharyas. According to
the Sanskrit work Prapannamrutam written by Anantacharya, a disciple of Tatacha-
rya, the Tatacharyas were the descendants of the Sri Sailanatha or Tirumalai-nambi,
the uncle and teacher of Ramanuja. Two of the early members of this family who
were proficient in the exposition of the Ramayana are said to have migrated from
Tirupati to Ettur and from there to Hampi, the capital of the Vijayanagar. They
were highly respected by the Vijayanagar monarchs. One of the descendants of this
family was the famous Panchamatabhanjanam Tatacharya who lived in the court of
Ramaraya I and contemporary of Mahacharya or Doddayacharya. Both -Doddaya-
charya and Tatacharya defended the tenets of the Visishtadvaita philosophy and
refuted the criticisms of Appayya Dlkshitar, the well-known Advaitic scholar of the
times. Doddayacharya who lived at Solasimhapuram (about 45 miles from Kanchi
on the way to Tirupati) wrote his famous work Chandamcirutam while Tatacharya
wrote the work Panchamatabhanjanam . Both these Sri-Vaishnava leaders are said
to have played a notable part in reinstalling the image of Govindaraja at Chidam-

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Sri- Vaishnavism 83

baram. 105

Till the disastrous battle of 1565, the members of the Tatacharya family lived in
the vicinity of Vijayanagar. But after that, they went to different places. 10 ® The
Vijayanagar capital was for some time at Penugonda and later shifted to Chandragiri
by SrTranga I whose rule commenced in A.D. 1572. It is during this time of Srf-
ranga I that one branch of the Tatacharya family settled down at Kanchi. The
earliest epigraph at Kanchi mentioning Tatacharya is dated § 1496 (A.D. 1574). 107
He was Ettur Kumara Tirumalai Tatacharya, who became the best known member
of the family later on. 108 The place-names like Ettur and Tirumalai prefixed to his
name showed his original homes from where his family first hailed. In this epigraph
he is mentioned in connection with the sale of certain services like the conduct of
Tirumdyayana festival in the Tamil month of margali , Sri Jay anti and other minor
festivals. But Tatacharya’s position in the temple is not mentioned in this inscrip-
tion. However, the next epigraph dated A.D. 1582 mentions him as Sn-karya-
Durantara or manager-general of the temple. 109 This is an important inscription as
it gives us information about the various Alvars and dcharyas for whom therew ere
shrines in the temple, and the various festivals conducted in their honour. It records
an agreement by the Sri Bandar attar (treasurer) of the temple and Tatacharya- ayy an
with the military commander ( Dalavdy ) of the Vijayanagar king to provide offerings
and worship to Perarujalar, PerundSviyar (Goddess), Serakulavalli-nachchiar, all the
alvars and some acharyas. The achdryas mentioned are Emberumanar (Ramanuja),
Nathamuni and Manavala Mahamuni. The specific mention of Tatacharya’ s agree-
ment to perform the Janma-nakshatiram of Manavala Mahamuni on his annual birth-
day is indeed significant as it shows his devotion to this acharya . In another record
dated A.D. 1583 it is mentioned that he was the acharya of Tirumalai, Kumba-
konam and Tirumalirumsolai and that he performed Vajapeya yaga at the
temple. 110 In the same year i.e., A.D. 1583 he donated one village for conducting
festivals, Tiruvadyayana festival in the month of margali, Tiruppavitra-utsavam festival
for Andal etc. (586 of 1919). Ettur Tirumalai Kumaia Tatacharya continued to hold
an eminent position as royal preceptor under Srlranga’s successor Venkata II, who*
succeeded to the throne in A.D. 1586. The Tatacharya is said to have officiated as
the royal guru during his coronation. There are a number of inscriptions of Venkata II
at Varadarajaswami temple and elsewhere, reciting the benefactions and other acts of
Kumara Tatacharya. Their dates range between A.D. 1587 and 1614, till almost the
end of Venkata’s reign. He is stated to have weighed himself against gold and silver
and to have used that wealth in the service of Varadaraja in erecting the Kalyana-koti
vimana for goddess Lakshmi. 111 The Tayar shrine was already there (as has already
been shown) but the tower was rebuilt and covered with gold-coated plate. He built
it in emulation of the Panyakdti-yimdna set up by Krishnadeva Raya Tatacharya
repaired and re-gilt with gold as it got defaced in the course of a century. His
benefactions include many yahanas or processional vehicles and some jewels. 112 He
also dug a tank at Kanchi named Tatasamudram (now known as Ayyankulam)
and built a shrine on its bank for Hanuman. He composed a poem of 20 verses
named Hanumadvimsati which is now inscribed on the east and north walls of the
rock and also on the outermost gdpuram , right of the entrance at Varadarajaswami
temple. 113 It should be remembered that Hanuman was a favourite God of the

84 Sri Varadartjmwami Temple — Kaftchi

Vijayanagar kings. In an inscription found at the Hanuman temple at Ayyankulam,
it is stated that the consecration ceremony was celebrated in a grand manner and
king Venkata was present at Kanchi to witness the same. 114 His assistants or agents
Visva Punditar and Tiruppani Pillai of Tiruppullani are also mentioned. But two of
the inscriptions give us the information that Tatacharya was not the sole manager of
this temple. While the inscription dated A. D. 1591 mentions him as one of the
managers, 115 the other dated earlier i.e., A.D. 1588, specifically mentions Sannidhi
Srlrama Ayyangar as another Srf-karyam or manager. 116 The position appears to
be like this. Each temple had its own traditional local Sn-karyam or manager.
Tatacharya was evidently appointed as the Sri-karya»durantara or manager-general
of many Vishnu temples not only in Kanchi but also at Sriperumbudur, Tirunirmalai
etc., probably to have an overall supervision in their affairs. 117 Hence, in his ins-
criptions we get the names of a number of agents and local managers under him.
But, the last that we hear of Ettur Kumara Tatachari at Kafichi is A.D. 1614, the
last year of his patron Venkata II. Practically, that marks the end of Tatacharya’ s
administration. His son Ettur Immadi Kumara Tirumalai Tatacharya figures in an
inscription at SrlperumbUdUr which is dated in A.D. 1634, as the manager of that
temple. He also figures in two inscriptions at Tenneri (15 miles from Kanchi) where
he built a sluice for the tank. There also he is called EttUr Immadi Kumara Tiru-
malai Tatacharya. He personally laid the foundation of this first sluice. But,
strangely the junior Tatacharya does not figure in the inscriptions of our temple. It
was the time when the Vijayanagar power was rapidly declining. Soon after the
death of Venkata II in 1614, there was a bitter civil war in which the rightful
nominee Srlranga was put to death by the rebel group. The empire was parcelled
into many governorships and the Vijayanagar kingdom lost its supremacy and influ-
ence. In 1645, the combined forces of Bijapur and Golkonda laid siege to Vellore the
capital and seized it. That was practically the death-knell of the Vijayanagar empire.
With its decline, the Tatacharyas were also losing their royal backing and patronage.
The inscriptions at Kanchi are silent about their activities. In this turbulent period
the only strong Hindu kingdom which looked like stepping into the shoes of the
Vijayanagar kingdom was that of the Mysore Wodeyars, who were strong Vaishnavas.
So, the Ettur Kumara Tatacharya family moved to Srlrangapatna, the capital of the
Mysore kings, in search of better fortunes. This is clearly borne out by an inscrip-
tion found in Mysore from which we learn that Venkata-Varadacharya of Ygdur
(i.e., Ettur), grandson of Imma^i-Tirumala-Tatacharya and son of Koti-Kanyadanam-
Lakshmi-Kumara Tatacharya proceeded to the court of Srirangapattinam as the
preceptor of Devaraya Wodeyar, the king of Mysore. He reached Mysore in
A.D. 1663. 118 As Hayavadana Rao says : 119

“The arrival of the celebrated Tatacharya family of Srl-Vaishnavite royal preceptors from the
court of Vijayanagar ani their settlement in Sn'rangipatnam probably contributed not a little
to confirm m the Royal House of Mysore the vanishing glories of the Vijayanagar imperial-
ism.*

Venkatadri and Gomatam family (A.D. 1658-59)

When Kanchi was in the grip of Muslim inroads, the temple was ably managed
by one Venkatadri, an agent of the Vijayanagar king. This is attested by an epigraph

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Sri-Vaishmvism 85

dated A.D. 1658-59 (§ 1581). It records the conferring of privileges like Parivattam
(holy turban), Tlrtham (holy water) and Satagopam (the placing of the sacred feet
of the Lord on one’s head) on Venkatadri, who administered the temple ably during
the Muslim disturbances. 120 In 1684, Venkatadri transferred the honours as privi-
leges to his preceptor or acharya of the Gomatam Tirumalacharya family, a Sri-
Vaishnava belonging to the Tenkalai school. 121 The descendants of this family
continue to enjoy the privileges even today.

Arulappadu rights for Prativati Bhayankaram family
(A.D. 1677 and 1687)

The other Sri-Vaishnava leaders of the times who were presented with certain
honours like the Arulappadu and holy water ( Tlrtham ), all belonged to the Tenkalai
school. Arulappadu right holders were also the Stalattdrs of the temple. Thus, in
A.D. 1677 (S 1599) the Arulappadu rights and privileges were conferred on one
Srlrangacharya, son of Vadibhlkara Srinivasa Guru of Sri-vatsa-gotra. He belonged
to the Prativati Bhayankaram family. 122

The next inscription dated S 1609 (A.D. 1687) confers 123 the privileges like the first
Tlrtham and Arulappadu on Goviiidacharya son of Prativati Bhayankaram Rangacharya
of Sri-vatsa-gotra . First Tlrtham means precedence in honours during the distribution
of the consecrated water and food. It is interesting to note that the representatives of
this family still-enjoy this Arulappadu right though the ‘first tlrtham ’ honour has laps*
ed, due to various reasons. The Prativati Bhayankaram family, as pointed out
earlier, is one of the distinguished families of preceptors, who have played an
important role in the dissemination of the Sri-Vaishnava tenets in various places such
as Tirupati, Kahchi etc.

Attan Jlyar

In 1688, Aurangazeb’s expedition into the South took place and Kahchipuram,
in common with several other important centres of South India, felt the shock of the
invading army. It was the time when the temple authorities fearing desecration,
disguised the images of Lord Varadaraja and His consorts and conveyed them out
of Kanchi city. These images found their asylum in the jungles of Udayarpalayam.
After nearly 22 years, when Kahchipuram was considered safe, the temple autho-
rities wanted to bring back the images to the temple. But the local chieftain at
Udayarpalayam refused to part with them. At the special intercession of Srimat-
Parmahamsa Parivrajakacharya Attan Tiruvenkada Ramanuja Jlyar, his disciple
and chieftain Lala Todarmalla used force and brought back the images safely and
reinstalled them in their original abode — Kanchi. Thi s took place in § 1632 (A.D.
1710) as is attested by a long inscription found in a slab erected prominently near
the Tayar shrine. 124 The slab bears a clear and bold Tenkalai caste-mark (mutilated
and later restored under court orders) flanked by Sankha and Chakra showing,
incidentally, that it was the recognised mark of the temple at that time (Fig. 3). In
recognition of the yeoman services rendered to this temple by Raja Todarmal, those
who were in the authority of the temple known as the Stalattdrs conferred the right
of management of the temple on Todarmalla, who in his turn, transferred it to his
guru Attan Jlyar. Attan Jlyar 125 was a Sri-Vaishnava of Tenkalai sect and he was

86 Sri VaradarJjaswumi Temple — Kuilchi

managing the temple till his death in 1723. Then Raja Todarmai re-conferred the
title of full proprietoiship (Sana-Sri-Karya-Durantaratvam) on Attan Jlyar’s son (born
before he became a Sanyasm) by name Ramanuja Rayanivaru which was to be
enjoyed hereditarily also. Thus, the descendants of Attan Jiyar were holding the
office of trusteeship for nearly four generations till 1794. In 1794, the Government
took over the administration of the temple.

The Tenkalai preponderance in the temple is again confirmed by another record
of A.D. 1713 which registers that the Stalattars of the temple conferred the Arula-
ppddu Tlrtham honours on one Srlrangam Nallan Chakravarti. This family is still
enjoying this right in this temple and its members belong to the Tenkalai school.

Return of Tatacharya family to Kanchi (A.D. 1711)

In A.D. 1711 a year after the restoration, the descendant of the Ettur Tirumalai
Kumara Tatacharya returned to Kanchi from Mysore. At the instance of Attan
Jiyar and Todarmalla, the Tatacharya was made to receive priority of honours ( Agra -
tdmbddlam) in the temple, in view of the past eminent position of the family as the
royal priests of the Vijayanagar kings. But this was done on the definite undertaking
given by the Tatacharya that he would honour the Tenkalai traditions (mdmul) of
the temple and that he would honour the Tenkalai Acharya, Manavala Mahamuni and
that he would chant the tanian or invocatory verses (Srisailesa Day a Patram) in honour
of the acharya in the temple as it was done in all the eighteen sacred Vishnu temples
of Kanchi. This famous agreement known as the Attan Jiyar agreement was signed
by Ettur Immadi Lakshmi Kumara Tatacharya and delivered to Attan Jiyar. 126 We do
not know why such a strong undertaking was felt necessary. Was it because the
Tenkalai Stalattars feared that the Tatacharya would introduce innovation contrary
to the established customs of the temple ? Whatever it is, this document clearly
shows that the Tenkalai mode of ceremonies and worship prevailed in the temple.

Except for some stray occasions when a deviation was sought to be made (as in
A.D. 1 770), 127 the major part of the 18th century was characterised by peace and
concord. The Tenkalai procedure of worship, ceremonies and mantras prevailed
in the temple as they did in the seventeen other Vishnu temples of Kanchi. The
Tatacharyas accepted to respect the prevailing customs. But from the beginning of
the 19th century, we witness the sectarian disputes coming into sharp focus,
which often tended to mar the religious atmosphere.

Vaishnava sect-marks

A word about the external symbols of the temples. It is well-known that two
types of urdkvapundra or sacred perpendicular marks are worn by the Srl-Vaishnavas
on their forehead. They consist of three vertical streaks, the middle one being red,
or yellow, and the other two, white in colour. Various interpretations are given for
their significance and they are considered to be the yogic symbols. But the common
belief is that the urdkvapundra represents the sacred feet of Lord Vishnu. 128 The
central streak is taken to represent the grace of Sri or Lakshmi and hence called
Sri~churna. We know that even during Ramanuja’s time the practice of wearing the
urdkvapundra was in vogue. Kurattalvar makes a pointed reference to the presence of
urdkvapundra on the forehead of Lord Varadaraja. 129 But there is difference of opi-

The Role of the Temple in the Gtowth of Sri-Vahhmvism 87

nion regarding the exact shape of it. The Vadakalai and Tenkalai schools claim that
it was like their own. The two schools, in course of time, have adopted two types
of pundra— the Vadakalais have the U-like mark with a prominent curvature; the Ten-
kalais have a slightly different type with a distinct pada projection at the bottom. Most
of the references regarding the old form point not to three streaks but to only one, as
the mark, it is said, should resemble either the flame, bamboo, leaf, tortoise, mace,
lotus-lily or fish. So in the earlier days it appears to have been a single perpendi-
cular mark, broader at the base and narrower at the top. This is followed even now in
the temples of North India. But here in the South, the emergence of the two schools
has perhaps necessitated the two different forms which have unfortunately added to
accentuate the division.

Be that as it may, the practice of inscribing the tiru-namam on the temple-walls
seems to have come into vogue only in the Vijayanagar times. They are conspicuous
by their absence in the Choi a structures. But in many of the structures of the
Vijayanagar days both at Hampi and Chandragiri, the tiru-namams are found flanked
by the Sankha and Chakra , the symbols of Vishnu, sometime with the Vijayanagar
state-crest. They are neither incised nor painted but they are reliefs from the origi-
nal surface of the stone and therefore coeval with the structure. Here in our temple
similar 4 ndmam .s’ originally sculptured by the Vijayanagar sculptors are found on the
ornamental door-jamb of the eastern gopuram , on the pillars of the Kalyana-mandapam ,
the mandapam in front of the Tayar shrine, the outer compound wall etc. (Fig. 12).
They are all, as a rule, the Tenkalai marks i.e., they have the unmistakable pada
projection at the bottom. It should be bo.ne in mind that all the old Tenkalai marks
have only a short pada- projection and many of them do not bear the central line or
Sri-chuma. Such Tenkalai marks are found in the Chandragiri fort, almost all the
leading temples of Hampi, at the entrance of Ramanuja temple at Sriperumbtidur with
a Vijayanagar inscription, carved below. Exactly the same type of Tenkalai ndmam is
found carved on the door-jamb of the eastern gopuram entrance of Sri Varadarajaswa-
mi temple (Fig. 12). Portions of the pada were mutilated during the later sectarian
disputes; but still the traces of the pada are unmistakable as illustrated here. They are
not extraneous but bas-reliefs and form part of the original structure and therefore
belong to the beginning of the 16th century A.D. to which date the gopuram belongs.

Tenkalai namams in stone-reliefs are again found in the Kalydna mandapa , the
mandapa in front of the Tayar shrine— both built by Alagia-manavaja-JIyar in the 16th
century. They are also found distributed in different shrines and structures such as
the cornice of the Abhisheka-mandapa , the door-jamb of the Ramanuja shrine, the
mandapa in front of the Nammalvar shrine at the top of the outer compound walls
etc. What need be noted here is that external symbol, like the internal mode of
worship, was that of the preponderant sect viz., the Tenkalai. The presence of the
two prominent old Tenkalai-marks as stone-reliefs at the door-jamb of the eastern
gopura, not to speak of the numerous ones found distributed all over the temple, is
an eloquent proof of the same.

To sum up the foregoing discussion, we find that the modest temple of Attiyur
rose up in the wake of the great Bhakti movement fostered by the Alvars. Bhuda-
ttalvar, one of the earliest Alvars ascribable to the seventh century A.D., has eulo-
gised the deity of the temple. The shrine came to be considered a Divyadesa or holy

88 Sii Varadardjas w dim Temple — KGftchi

shrine. But the temple was by no means prominent in the early days. The Vishnu
temple of Tiruvehka in the same locality was the most prominent temple in Kanchi.
But, thanks to the association of the great dchdryas , like Ramanuja, Tirukkachi-
nambi and Kurattah'ar the temple became, from about the 11th century A.D., one
of the three foremost centres of Sri-Vaishnavism, the other two being Srirangam and
Tirumalai. It became an important seat of the Visishtadvaitic philosophy as pro-
pounded by Ramanuja. The Pancharatra-form of worship which was popularised by
Ramanuja at Srirangam and elsewhere was adopted in our temple also. Ramanuja’s
emphasis on the archa or idol form of God gave an impetus to the ritual and struc-
tural expansion of the temple and indeed the 1 1th and 12th centuries witnessed
remarkable improvement to the temple by way of construction of the first three
prakdras.

Subsequent to Ramanuja, a galaxy of eminent preceptors carried on his work. A
division arose gradually among his followers on doctrinal matters. The Prabhandic
school with its eminent exponents like Nampillai, Peria Vachan Pillai, Pillai Loka-
charya, Manavala Mahamuni had Srirangam as their headquarters; while the Sri -
Bdshya school led by great savants like Nadadur Animal, Vedanta Desika, Naina
Varadachariar remained at Kanchi. But this did not immediately bring about any
cleavage or schism. In fact, there is ample evidence to show that each respected the
other and both were considered complementary to the tenets of Sri-Vaishnavism,
one specialising in the Tamil lore and the other in the Sanskrit lore. But, in due
course, the Tenkalai school with its devotional approach, its free use of the verna-
cular, its liberal outlook towards the caste system, its deep attachment to Alvars
among whom many were from the lower castes became immensely popular and
spread far and wide. Manavaja Mahamuni and his eight disciples gave a firm
organisational basis to it. The Vadakalai school on the other hand, with its emphasis
on the Vedic rites, its use of the Sanskrit language, which was foreign to the vast
Tamil population, and its orthodox and conservative views on many social problems
made itself more exclusive. Hence, the vast majority of the temples of South India
came under the spell of the eclectic Tenkalai school. The Varadarajaswami temple
and indeed all the 18 sacred Vishnu temples of Kanchi were no exception to this.

In the post-Manavala Mahamuni’s period i.e., from about the middle of the 15th
century A. D., a number of Sri-Vaishnava leaders were associated with this temple.
Moreover, the period coincided with the ascendancy of the Vijayanagar kings who
bestowed special attention on the growth of the Vaishnavism. Successive Jlyars of
Alagia Manavala-ma//m held supreme position in our temple. Kandadai Ramanuja-
Ayyan, a disciple of Alagia Manavala Jlyar of Kanchi and Koil Kandadai Annan of
Srirangam did great service to our temple. So did his successors. All these leaders
were the champions of the Tenkalai school who did much to popularise the festivals
for the Alvars like the Tiru-adyayana festival and encouraged the recital of the
Tamil prabhandas. The temple became predominantly of the Tenkalai character.
Several Tenkalai acharya-purusha families like Prativati Bhayankaram, Gomatam
Chakravarti were honoured with Arulappadu rights in the 17th century A.D. In the
same century, Ettur Tirumalai Tatacharya, a scion of the distinguished Tatacharya
family, was appointed the manager of the temple. He probably belonged to the
Vadakalai school. He held an honoured place and did many useful services to the

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Sri-Vaishnavism 69

temple. But with the fall of the Vijayanagar power in South India in about A.D.
1645, this family migrated to Mysore. The Tenkalai stalattdrs re-asserled their
power. In A.D. 1688 due to the threats of invasion by Muslim army, the idols of
Varadaraja and His consorts were removed to a forest of Udayarpalayam and were
brought back only after 22 years. Attan Jiyar who did much useful work in connec-
tion with the reinstallation of the deity was appointed the manager of the temple and
after him, his successors looked after it for well over 70 years. The member
of the Tatacharya family returned to Kanchi in 1711 and, in deference to the high
position held by the family, was given the honour of First Water (or Tirtha) right
on the condition that he would respect the existing Tenkalai mode of worship, recital
etc. The Tatacharyas honoured the Attan Jiyar agreement for well over eighty years.
But later, they sought to alter the existing procedure and introduce what the Tenkalai
considered as innovations. This, later on, led to clashes between the two sects from
19th century onwards. But records from the 1 5th to 1 8th century clearly show the
ascendancy of the Prabhandic or the Tenkalai school. Even the early stone-cut
tirunamams or caste-marks in this temple were Tenkalai for which tell-tale evidences
are available at many places in the temple.

NOTES

1. Tolkappiam Pond, 5.

2. Puram 56.

3. Panpddal III 11. 82-83.

4. Silappadikaram , cantos X and XI.

5. Perumpdndpruppadai 11. 410-411.

6. Perumpanafiuppadai 11. 398-420. See
Pattupditu ed. by U.V. Swaminatha Iyer
(Madras, 1950), pp 203-205.

7. Vide Chapter I.

8. Verse 77.

9. Ill Centura.

10. Rdmanuja-Nufrandadi, v. 31.

11. Op. cit.

12. T.A. Gopinatha Rao; op cit., p 40.

13. For a critical survey of Ramanuja’s life
period vide T N. Subramaniam, 4 A Note
on the date of Ramanuja'’ in S I.T I., Vol.
Ill, pt. II, pp. 147/160 His conclusions
ate worth noting here : (1) Kulottunga II
(A.D. 1133-1150) was the Chola monarch
who persecuted Ramanuja and his fol-
lowers; (2) Ramanuja’s flight to the Hoy-
sala country took place in A D. 1138; (3)
He returned to Srlrangam after 12 years
i e., A.D. 1150 after the death of Kulot-
tunga II, (4) The Sri Bhdshyam was com-
pleted m § 1077 or A D. 1155-56. This
dating though slightly at variance with
the traditional one seems to be convinc-
ing. Also see Dr. S.K. Iyengar, History
of Tirupati , Vol. I, p. 287.

14. Ramanuja’s Bhagavad Gita Bhdshyam
quoted in Bharatan Kumarappa’s 4 The

Hindu conception of the deity as culminat-
ing in Ramanuja (Lond. 1934), pp. 191 and
192.

15. M. Yamunacharya, Ramanuja's Teachings
in his own words, Bombay (1963).

16. The Culural Heritage of India , Vol. IV,
p. 176.

17. Ramanuja’s contemporary Tiruvaran-
gattu-amudanar pays glowing tributes to
the former’s services in popularising the
Divya Prabandhams in his Ramanuja -
nur panda di. Tn the first verse he calls
Ramanuja as the disciple of Nammalvar.

18. Though there is evidence to show that the
Alvar’s Prabandhams were recited in a
few Vishnu temples like Srlrangam ear-
lier than Ramanuja’s time, it is agreed
that he was largely responsible to make
their recital an essential feature on all
festival occasions (K.A.N. Sastn : Cholas ,
p. 639 and T.K.T. Veeraraghavacharya,
History of Tuupati , II, pp. 953 and 974.

19. SIT, III, No. 80.

20. 572 of 1919.

21. Chapters V and VI.

22. 493 of 1919.

23. The fixing of responsibility for the schism
is a moot point and different views have
been expressed. The usual popular view
is that the Tenkalai line became distinct
with Pillai Lokacharya and the Vada-
kalai with Vedanta Desika. “After Pillai
Lokacharya and Vedanta Desika, the

90 Sri Varadar&jas wdmi Temple — Kdilch

split between the Tenkalai and Va<lakalai
became more pronounced. While the
latter traditions were carried on by Vara-
dacharya, Brahmatantra Svatantra and
other disciples, the Tenkalai position was
consolidated and established by Mana-
vala Mahamuni.” P.N. Srinivasachari,
Philosophy o f Visish i ad \aita, p . 533. But
another reputed scholar A. Govinda-
charya fixes the responsibility on Vedanta
Desika and cot Filial Lokacharya. He
says : “Ldkacharya was not the first great
teacher of the Tenkalai school. In his
day there was no distinction of such
schools. If any schism arose in virtue of
differences of interpretation it is m all
probability to be attributed to the time of
Vedantacharya. In Vedantacharya’s
works such differences m interpretation
of the teachings that prevailed before
his day are clearly discernible.” But he
quickly adds that Vedantacharya looked
upon the opinions of those from whom
he differed as simply due to specialisa-
tion of certain aspects of truth. There-
fore, Govindacharya rightly concludes
that no odium theologicum could be
imputed to him (p. 716).

Tenkalai and Vadakalai : J.R.A.S. 1912,
pp. 173-177.

24. On the whole, there are said to be eigh-
teen differences. A. Govindacharya,
Ashtddasabhedas , J R.A S. 1910.

P N. Srinivasachari : The Philosophy of
Visishtadvaita , Adyar, 1943, pp. 534 ff.

25. V. Rangacharya, op. cit., p, 178.

26. Ibid.

27. Crole, Chingleput District Gazetteer , p,
35.

28. From the Guruparamparai of Pinbalagia
Perumal Jiyar, it is learnt that Battar’s
contemporary on the Chola throne was
one Tribhuvanavlradeva. We know that
this title was borne by JCulottunga III in
his inscriptions. The latter ruled from
A.D. 1178 to 1217, S I T.I. , Vol. Ill, Pt.
II, p. 159.

29. Sri Ranganffihastotram.

30. The kdiLolugu records that Nampillai was
alive about £ll75i.e, A.D. 1253 when
the Partly an king Jatavarman Sundara
covered the central shrine of Srlrangam
with gold. S.I.T.I., op. cit., p. 159.

31. Paradvati Patichagam.

32. A chdrya-hridayam, Sutra 84; ibid., ed. by

B.M. Purushottama Naidu, Madras, 1965,
pp. 192-193.

33. R. Ramanujacharya .* Atre.va Ramanuja :
His Life and Works, Raja Sir Annamalai
Chettiar Com. Volume, Annamalai Uni-
versity, 1941, pp. 356-364.

34. This is stated in Doddayacharya's bio-
graphy on Desika entitled Vaibhavapra-
kn’sika • also Vij. Sexcentenary Com.
Volume, p. 49.

35. Dr. S.K. Iyengar, Sources , pp. 34-35.

36. Vide Chapter V

37. Verse 5.

38. Adaikkalapattu, verse 1.

39. Ibid , verse 4,

40. Ibid., verse 9.

41. Meivritamdnmiyam , verse 27.

42. P.B. Annangaracharya, Satsampraddya -
sdrartha-raksha in Sri Ramanujan, Nos.
212-213 (July 1966), p. 20 £f.

43. Professor R. Ramanujacharya agrees
with this view and states ; “The divi-
sion of the Vaishnavite fold into the Nor-
thern and the Southern schools does not
appear to have been known in Desika's
time. There is ample evidence to show
there was great cordiality among the
Vaishnavite thinkers and the eminent
teachers now regarded as affiliated to the
Southern School held Desika in great
esteem and veneration” — Venkatanatha in
Sri Vedanta Desika Sampraddya Sabha
Souvenir (Bombay, 1968), p. 53.

44. V. Rangacharya is of the view that it was
out of disgust with the prevailing atmos-
phere of Srlrangam that Desika left for
Satyamangalam, QJ.M.S. VII, p. ill.
But from Desika’s work Abhidasatvam it
is seen that far from being disgusted, he
longed to live at Srlrangam.

A free English rendering of verse 28
can be given : “Oh Lord ! my youth was
spent m drinking deep into the beauties
of the works of Ramanuja. Now my
hair has turned completely grey. Here-
after, kindly grant me this : Let me live
at Srlrangam or any similar place which
is free from the enemies and where
people are mutual well-wishers.”

In another context, he states that his
mind which was not fully mature, blos-
somed on account of his close associa-
tion with the eldex-acharyas at Srlrangam
( Bhagavat Dhyana-sopanam).

45 . P.B. Annangarachariar (op. cit.) has cited

The Role of the Temple in the Gtowth of Si I-Vaishnavhm 91

several instances from Desika’s works to
show that in interpreting the Tamil Pra -
bandhams, he has faithfully followed
Peria VacfcSn Pillai’s famous commen-
tary,

46- Fp. Ind. XXV, No. 34.

47. Ibid.

48. S.K. Iyengar, Piativati Bhayankara
Annan in JJ.H. XVIII, 1939, pp. 378-
383

Prativati Rhayankaram Annin fig-
ures equally prominently in the history of
both the schools. He was a disciple of
both Naina Varadacharya and Mana-
vala Mahamumgal. He has written poems
in praise of the latter as well as Vedanta
Desika. This amply proves that even in
his period the differences between the
two schools had not hardened. Bat after
his contact with Manavala Mahamuni at
Srirangam P B. Annan joined the Praban-
dhic school. P.B, Annan’s descendants
are also known to have belonged to the
Teakalai school and many of them are
still living in Kanchi and Tirupati. See
JJ.H. XVin, 1939, pp. 382-383.

49. The traditional date of birth is Kali 4471,
Aippasi-Mulam star he lived for 73 years.
See S.I.T I , III, Pt. XI, p. 1361.

50. The Koibolugu gives S 1347 (A.D.

1425) as the date for his advent at Sri-
rangam.

51. This name is found both in the Koibolugu
and the Tu umalai-olugu and it is interest-
ing to find that the same name occurs in
the inscriptions of our temple.

52. These verses are noted for their rhythm
and beauty.

53. Prativati Bhayankaram Annangaracharya
gives a comprehensive treatment to all the
works of Manavala Mahamuni in his
Varavaramunindra G'ranthamald (Kanchi,
1966).

54 Even in 1879, it is reported in the Chingle-
put District Gazetteer, that ‘the majo-
rity of the Vaishnavite Sudras are Tenka-
lai’ (p. 35). Also see * The History and the
Culture of Indian People , VI (Bharatiya
Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, p. 558).

55. P.N. Srinivasacharya, op. cit , p. 524.

56. The ashtadiggajas of Manavala Maha-
muni are mentioned in the Tirumalai-
olugu as also in the work of Erumbiappa,
the disciple of Mahamuni. They are (1)
Vanamamalai Jlyar, (2 ) Tiruvenkata

Ramanuja Jivar, (3) Pattarp»ran Jlyar,
14) Kod-kandadii Annan, (5) Prativati
Bhayankaram Annan, (6) Erumbiappa,
(7) Kidambi Appu’ar, (Si Kidambi Ap-
pillai. See Tuitmclai-olugii, ed by K.
Balasundarr. Nncker (T.T D. T.rupati,
1953), p. 85.

57. V. Rangacharva, * Histor t cal Evolution of
Sri-Vai dma\ ism in South India m The Cub
tural Heritage of India (Rarraknshna
Mission, Calcutta, 1956), Vol. IV, pp 184-
185.

58 . 653 of 1919; S.I.T I , T, No. 390.

59. 479 of 1919.

60. SJ T /., X., No. 429.

61. It is interesting to note m this connection
that an inscription of the Vijavaoagar
times which is datable to not later than
the 16th century records an endowment of
a village as gift ( Tiruvidaiyaiiarri ) to
Manavala-Mahamum at Srlperumbudur.
This clearly show's that Mahamuni was
deified at Srlperumbudur in the 16th cen-
tury, if not slightly earlier (203 of 1949-
50).

62. TD E.R., Vol. VI, Part II, Table No. 49

63. Tirumalai-olugu : op. cit., pp. 104-106.

The learned editor K. Balasundara Nai-
cker has shown that this work was writ-
ten sometime before Sadasiva’s time,
roughly before A.D. 1550. Many of the
details are remarkably supported by ins-
criptions.

64. An epigraph dated A.D. 1514 refers to an
offering in honour of Alagia-Manavala
Jlyar, the disciple of Pattarpiran Jlyar.
The birth-star of the former Is men-
tioned as Asvini in the month of Ani
(T.T D., Vol. Ill, No. 98).

65. T.D.I . , Vol. II, No. 139.

66. T.D.ER., I, p. 47.

67. T.T D Rep. IV, No. 46.

68. 447 and 443 of 1919.

69. 448 of 1919.

70. This work Vaibhava-prakasika of the
matha is available in fragments in palm-
leaves with the present Jlyar of the Ala-
giya-manavali-J^yar maiha at Kanchi.

71. S.I.TL.'y, No. 438.

72. A.R.E., 1936-37, pp. 90-91.

73. See T.D.ER Vol. II, for a number of
inscriptions recording his benefactions.

74. A.R.E. 1936-37, pp. 90-91; K.V. Raman,

Kand&dai Rum ami] ad as an, Bharatiya

Vidya , XXIX, 1969.

92 Sri Varadardj aswftmi Temple — Kdnchi

75. SI TI, No. 34 S (C4S of 1919).

76. TD.E R , Vol. I, pp. 47 and 92.

77. T.K.T.Vccraraghavachariar : History of
Tirupati, T.T.D. publication, Vol. II, p.
584.

78. TD.ER Vol. I, pp. 46-47 and 216-
217.

79. T.K.T. Veeraraghavachari, op. cit.

80. A.R.E., 1936-37, pp. 90-91. Koil-olugu , Ed.
by V.N. Hari Rao (1961), p. 165 ff.

81. Ibid.

82. A.R.E . 1936-37, pp. 90-91; A.R.E. 1937-
38, pp. 90-91.

S3. 476 of 1919.

84. 646 of 1919.

85. 422 of 1919; S LT L, I, pp 327-328.

86. 579 of 1919.

87. 657 of 1919. See Appendix II ‘D* for the
text.

88. Mr. T P. Palaniappa Pillai, Tiruvenkata
Via (Tirupati, 1950), Introduction, p.
ix.

89. Manuscharitamu , canto I, verse 6.

90. AmuktamSlyada , canto VI, verse 6.

91. T.D.E.R. t Vl, Part II, Table No. 87.

S.K. Iyengar : History of Tirupati — Ac-
cording to the Sannidhi Guruparamparat ,
Srinivasa was born in A.D. 1379, started
the matha in 1398 and held it till A.D.
1458. Of. S. N. Venkatesa Aiyar, History
of Ahobilam Mutt y p. 17. But he admits
‘‘the chronology of the first seven Jiyars
is a matter of dispute.” Also see A R.E .
1920, p. 114.

92. 411 of 1919.

93. The succession list of preceptors < Sama -
sr ay ana-Par amparai) of Adivan Satagopa
Jiyar includes Nanjlyar, Nam-Pihai,
Vadakku Tiruvldi Pillai of the Praban-
dhic school. The grantha-parampara of
the matha includes the Vadakalai achar-
yas— see T.D.E.R. , VI, Part II, Table 87.
According to the Tenkalai tradition, the
first six Jiyars of this matha were Ten-
kalai.

94. Ibid.

95. 374 and 373 of 1919.

96. 579 of 1919.

97. 576 of 1919.

98. T D.E.R., I, pp. 283 ff, for full details re-
garding their activities at Tirupati,

99. 495 of 1919.

100. TD.ER., I, op. cn.

101. 495 of 1919.

102. 583 of 1919.

103. No 146 of T.T.D.

104. 653 of 1919; S.I. T.I. , I, No. 390.

105. S.K. Iyengar, Sources , pp. 33-35 and

71-79.

106. Ep. Ind., XXIX, pp. 72-73.

107. 383 of 1919.

108. He is said to have been the adopted son
of Ayyanayyangar of Satamarshana gotra
and belonging to Tirumalai Nambi family
(30 of 1921). Another writer holds that
Ettur Kumara Tatachari of Kanchi record
belongs to a branch family, cf. T.K T.V.
Chary, History of Thupati, Vol. II.

109. 479 of 1919.

110. 588 of 1919.

111. 363 of 1919: S.I.TI Ill, Pt. II, p 1358.

112. 475 of 1919.

113. 651 of 1919; S.I. T.I , op. cit p. 1357.

114. 92 and 95 of 1923.

115. A21 of 1919.

116. 587 of 1919.

117. This is borne out by the mention of a
number of local managers functioning in
temples of Tiruvehka, Srfperumbudur etc.

118. Ep . Car III (1) T.N. 23. Hayavadana
Rao : History of Mysore , p. 247.

119. Ibid,p. 225.

120. S.I.T.I , I, No. 388.

121. This is supported by the document in the
possession of the present members of this
family, which was filed in the courts and
held as genuine by them.

122. 398 of 1919.

123. 423 of 1919.

124. A.R.E. 1920, p. 122.

In a copper plate grant deposited in the
Madras Museum and dated § 1636 (A.D.
1714-15) the same Srmivasadasa alias
Attan Jiyar is mentioned as the protege
of Todarmalla. The Jiyar’s grant of five
villages to the temple of Snmushnam is
recorded in that grant. Vide R. Srinivasa
Iyengar, Catalogue of Copper Plate Grants ,
p. 41.

125. Though hailing from the Andhra, the
Jlyar’s interest in the Tamil prabandhams
was great. He wrote a Tamil work

The Role of the Temple in the Growth of Sri- Vaishnavism 93

named A day aval a in dam Arumpadam .

126. Printed documents m A.S. 212 of 1909,
p. 158.

127. Exhibit ‘A’ of A.S. No. 175 of 1910.

128. Ibid., Exhibit «B\

129. For a discussion of the rationale of the
urdhvapundra and the various interpreta-
tions see K. Devarathachari, Sri-Vaishna -
vism and its caste-marks , Q.J.M.S., V, 4,
pp. 125-139.

CHAPTER Y

PUJAS AND FESTIVALS

la a Hindu temple, the daily offer of worship to the various deities at different
times in the day, is of fundamental importance. The day-to-day ceremonies connec-
ted with the worship are called the Nitya-puja while the occasional ceremonies in
connection with some special festival are called the Naimittika. The daily offerings
are obligatory and are very essential to preserve the sanctity of the shrine. They
represent the basic ceremonial rituals to be performed in the temple, which are
governed by the agamas. The Vaishnava agamas fall under two groups : the
vaikhanasa and the pancharatra. The former was perhaps older but not so popular.
The Pancharatra agama literature came to be considered as authoritative as the
Vedas by the Bhagavatas, as they contain the quintessence of the religion of devo-
tion or Bhakti. As the reference to the archa- form or image-worship in the Vedas
was at best considered to be vague, the pdnchardtraA.iteia.ture which glorified the
doctrine of avatar a or divine incarnation and the archavatara, or the belief of the
presence of God in images, were considered superior to the Vedas . 1 The Vaishna-
vas claim great antiquity for the pancharatra- agamas and consider them to be the
bedrock of the temple-worship, the pujas, festivals etc. They contain liturgical texts
with the emphasis on the form, nature and meaning of the rituals, and the earthly
and spiritual benefits assured to their ardent followers. The word agama is indeed
the counterpart of mantra or veda and denotes a popular cult wherein practical reli-
gious formalities and offerings in the form of fruits, flowers, food and drinks made
with devotion, take the place of incantations and sacrifices . 2 Ramanuja who empha-
sised the devotional aspect ( Bhakti ) of religion and propagated the need for a perso-
nal God with all auspicious qualities, found the Pancharatra- literature a great source
of inspiration. He popularised it in South India by introducing it at Srirangam
temple and Melkote in the Mysore country. Kanchi also was influenced by his
reforms. Thus, the three important texts or the samhitas of the pdhcharatr ^-literature
which are considered to be the “three gems”, were adopted for the three leading
temples— the Paushkara-samhita at Srirangam, the Jaydkhya-samhita at Hastigiri or
Kanchi and the Iswara-samhita at Melkote . 3 The interpolated chapter in the
Jaydkhya-samhita informs us that the Padmasamhita was the commentary and
elaboration of the Jaydkhya samhita* The former has attained unique popularity
due to its encyclopaedic range of interests, covering systematically almost all major
topics of the pancharatra concern. This is followed in our temple for all ceremonial
rituals connected with the installation of images, consecration ceremonies, festivals,
offerings etc., and hence a knowledge of the same is considered essential to be the
chief priest of the temple.

If the nitya-puja denotes the daily offerings to the deity, the naimittika- class inclu-

96 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple — Katichi

des the various festivals ( utsavas ) celebrated in particular months of a year not only
for the main deity but also for the subsidiary ones. These festivals are not compulsory
but they add colour and grandeur to the temples. They are great occasions when the
common folk from even the distant places gather to take part in the celebration.
But their scale and grandeur are determined by the financial resources of the temple
and the benefactions of the devotees. From the epigraphs of Sri Varadarajaswami
temple, we kcow that this temple was richly endowed with provisions for the daily
offerings ( nitya-nimitangalukkuf as well as a number of festivals which have, in
the course of centuries, become famous for their grandeur and beauty.

Section 1

Puja or Worship

The ceremonial worship in this temple takes place five times in the day. First
early in the morning, the second at twelve in the noon, the third in the evening at
six, the fourth at eight in the night and the fifth and the last at nine in the night,
after which the temple is closed. Of these, the most important and elaborately done
is the early morning service. The others are all practically abridged versions
of the same. The morning worship consists of six asanas or stages. The temple
priest or the archaka conducts the worship. The first as ana is known as the mantra -
asana by which the presence of the Almighty is invoked; the second is the snana-
dsana during which time the tirumanjanam or holy bath is performed to the deity;
the third is the Alankara- asana when the deity is clothed and adorned with jewels.
The fourth is the Bhoga-asana when food is offered to the deity. The fifth is the
mantra-asana when a ceremony called mantra-pushpam is performed i.e., archana is
done by offering tulasi (basil) leaves and chanting the mantras. This is done for
about ten or fifteen minutes. Then comes the last stage known as sayana-asana
when the deity is believed to go to sleep. The puja ceremony is closed with this.
This last-mentioned service is reserved for the night.

Another important item in the nitya-puja is what is known as the sevahalam or
the congregational recitation of the portions of the Prabhandams which takes place
during the entire duration of the puja. This ritual reaches its climax with sdthumu -
rai after which the consecrated water ( tirtham ) and food ( prasddam ) are distributed
to the reciters and other devotees.

The pDja-ceremonies at other times of the day are not done so elaborately. In
the evening service mantrapushpam and sevahalam are again done. The last service
in the night is called popularly in this temple as Tirugusadam , when sweet rice-
pudding is offered to God before He goes to sleep . 7

A portion of the consecrated food is taken and offered to the Alvars and Achdryas
in their respective shrmes. There are archakas or priests in all the attendant or anci-
llary shrines who attend to the daily puja, holy bath etc., in their respective shrines.
Separate offerings are done to Narasimha and Perundgvi Tayar.

Elaborate qualifications and training are stipulated in the agantas and sdstras for
the temple-priests. The interpolated section of the Jaydkhya-samhita which deals
exclusively with the system of worship prevailing at Sri Varadarajaswami temple,
lays down certain basic qualifications. It states that they should be well-versed

Pujas and Festivals 97

in the Kanva-Saka and the prapatti-sastras and should be clean in their personal
life. Preferably, those born in the Kausika and Aupakayan-gbtras should be selected
and given initiation into the Jayakya-tantra J

Holy Bath

Tirumanjanam or abhishekam or the holy bath is a picturesque ceremony in a
Vishnu temple. It forms an essential daily item in the worship, but it is done only
to the Bhoga-murti , represented by a silver image. For the mula-bhera , as well as
Perundevi Tayar, this is done on every Friday. For the Utsava-bhera or the
processional deity the holy bath is performed on six days in a month and they are :
the first day of a month, the full-moon day, the New moon day and the day following
and on the days of the Hasta and Sravana stars. On all these days, the processional
deity is taken to the abhisheka-mandapa where the holy bath is performed to the
accompaniment of chanting of Sanskrit and Tamil verses and the periodical display
of the trumpets and drums. In the evening there would be a procession of the deity
in the streets. Besides these, on all festive occasions like the Deepavali, Yugadi etc.,
special Tirumanjanams are performed to the Utsava-bhera .

It is interesting to recall the tradition that Ramanuja used to bring water daily
from the M< 2 -well to -the temple for the holy bath for the deity. This service known
as Salaikkinaru-kaimkarya is still continued here and a special man is posted to
attend to it. A record of Vikr am a Chola dated A.D. 1129 refers to the monthly
birth-star festival for the Mudal-Alvars during which time Arulalapperumal was
brought out and bathed daily with eightyone kalasas or water-pots. 9 The endow-
ments for the holy bath became more in the Vijayanagar times. We have an inscrip-
tion of A.D. 1540 which records the grant of three villages to meet the expenses
of 15 Ekadasi days in a year inclusive of the Tirumanjanam. 10 A record of A.D. 1574
mentions that abhisheka was performed for the Mulabhera every Friday. 11 This
practice is still continued. Endowments for Tirumanjanam during various festivals
like Yugadi, Dlpavali etc., are recorded in the epigraphs of the 16th and 17th
centuries A.D. 12

The record dated A.D. 1574 mentioned above refers to the objects used for the
holy bath as Tirumanjana-drivyam but does not specify them. But usually, on such
occasions, various items are used for bathing the deity such as oil, milk, curd, coco-
nut-water, rose-water, turmeric, sandal etc. After the bath is over, the images are
dried with cloth and dressed with fine clothes and bedecked with ornaments and
fresh garlands. A salad with a mixture of fruits, coconut, honey ( panchdmrutham )
and lemon juice ( panagam ) and betels' ( are offered to the deity and later distributed to
the devotees. An interesting record 13 mentions the items of perfumery and other
articles used during the holy bath such as :

Kastari (musk)

Kunkumappu (saffron)

Pannlr (rose-water)

Chandanam (sandal-paste)

Karptiram (camphor)

Parimalam (scented oil)

Pitambaram (fine silk clothe^)

98 Sri Varadara jaswdmi Temple — Kanchi

Kasturi or musk is usually placed on the forehead as tilaka before the pundra is
applied. Kunkumappu or saffron is mixed with water for the bath as it gives a fine
smell. Refined camphor or Pachai-Karpuram is also added. The ordinary camphor
(karpura) is used for the Dipa-aratti or waving a light in front of God. Pannir or
rose-water and sandal-paste mixed with water are used for the bath.

Another type of application known as Pulukkappu is mentioned in an epigraph
of Sriranga II dated A.D. 1575. 14 It is a reference to the smearing of civet-oil over the
image during the abhishekam , after which plain water is poured. Chantpaka-oil was
also used for the bath. This was done every Friday.

Special services or Sandhi

Apart from these normal daily offerings, special offerings or services were insti-
tuted by kings and other men of note and rank. Such offerings or Sandhis were
instituted in large numbers in the 12th and 13th centuries and they were often named
after the donors. One of the earliest of such offerings was the kodandaraman-sandhi
instituted in honour to Kulottunga III. For these the income from two villages
amounting to 2,000 pon was donated. 15 The other services instituted during the
same reign were the Vira-keralan-sandhi and the other Sundara-Pandya-Kalingarayan-
sandhi. Though the inscription does not specify the nature of the service, it provides
for the expenses amounting to 3,000 pon required for the service. It included the
feeding of 45 Brahmins in the two services. 16 In the 11th year of Kulottunga III,
another service named Dharma-paripalan-sandhi was instituted by Dharmaparipalan
alias Rajadhiraja Malaiyarayan, one of the Malai-mudalis of the king. 17

A service named Alappirandan-sandhi was instituted in the 14th year of Rajaraja
III (A.D. 1230) for which land was donated at Perunagar. This service was named
in honour of the Sambuvaraya chieftain Edirilisola Sambuvarayan Alappirandan
alias Rajaraja Sambuvarayan grandson of Sengeni Ammiappan. Another epigraph
dated A.D. 1247 refers to the same service and adds that it was performed soon after
the service called the Gandagopalan-sandhi. 1 * The latter was first instituted in
A.D. 1230 and was subsequently patronised by numerous grants. 19 It seems to have
been an important and grand service instituted by Tikka I alias Gandagopaladeva.
The other services mentioned in the epigraph of this time are : Rahuttarayan-sandhi
called after an officer under Vijayagandagopala; 20 Kumar agopalan-sandhi perhaps
called after Gandagopala’s son; 21 Amarabaranan- sandhi named after Siyagangan,
the Ganga Lord of Kuvalpura or Kolar; 22 Anaik attina- Sank aranar ay anana- sandhi
instituted by Rajagandagopalan in A.D. 1220. 23

Divya-prabhandam Recital

In no other temple of South India is the congregational recitation of the inspired
Tamil hymns of the Alvars and the Acharyas, called the Divya-prabhanda-Sevakalam,
done before the deity in such a methodical and grand manner as in this temple. This
service called the Adayapakam- service is rendered both inside the temple on the puja
occasions and during processions in festival times. It will not be an exaggeration to
say that it had been one of the important features responsible for making this temple
famous and much-sought-after by the Sri-Vaishnava devotees. The Divya-prabhanda-
reciters formed the vanguard of all processions. It is said that the iedas go in

Pujas and Festivals 99

search of God, whereas the latter goes in search of the Dlvya-prabhandam, as He
longs to hear the devotional songs of His devotees. The great poet Kamban, in his
work Satagopan-andadi, has paid a glowing tribute to Divya-prabhandam r and their
reciters. 24 He says :

“The eternal, brilliant Lord of the Universe can transcand the reach of the vedas t the keenest

intelligence of the learned and the wise; He cannot but be bound by the love-lorn, devotional

songs of saint (Nammalvar) of Kurukur.”

In another verse he emphasises that the recital of Tiruvdymoli was the most
important item in the temple-festivals. He says : 'Had not the saint (Nammalvar)
come to Kurukhr and rendered into the sweet Tamil all the thousand and odd
eternal Vgdas, where would the Brahmins, their temples, feasts and festivals and
their beauties stand ? They would have been nowhere.’ Thus, there is no doubt
that distinguishing features of a Srl-Vaishnava temple are the offer of worship of the
twelve Alvars and the recital and exposition of the hymns of Nammalvar and the
other eleven Alvars. An abridged version containing select excerpts from the works
of the various Alvars is recited almost daily during the nitya-puja and more elabora-
tely on the festive occasions. The great acharya Nathamuni resuscitated and codified
the composition of the Alvars and popularised their singing with musical notes. Fol-
lowing him, Ramanuja made their recital an important feature in the temples. The
Acharyas who succeeded Ramanuja and particularly belonging to the Prabhandic
school, were chiefly responsible for maintaining and preserving the mode and style of
reciting these Tamil verses. In fact, even today, the vast majorty of the Divya-
prabhanda ghosfi or reciters in most of the temples of South India belong to the
Tenkalai school. They are also called Iyal-Ghosp. The rendering of these Tamil
verses with correct intonations is transmitted from generation to generation by oral
teachings called Sandhai. These Tamil songs, couched in simple and touching langu-
age, when rendered in this traditional Iyal style, are extremely moving and a large
concourse of people is attracted and held spell-bound for hours together.

Usually, in all the Srl-Vaishnava temples, in the mornings, the Tiruppdvai is recit-
ed and in the evenings passages from the Nityanusandanam are recited. To the latter
will be added the relevant passages which are in praise of that particular temple.
But in Varadaraj as warn! temple, the practice is rather pecuhar. Here, the reciters
complete the 4,030 verses thrice or four times a year singing fifty verses every day.
They continue the cycle even when the festival days intervene. On such occasions
besides reciting their usual 50 verses they recite mere number of verses, as they go
out in procession. But Nammalvar’ s Tiruvoymoli is recited only within the precincts
of the temple and never in the streets.

Besides the Alvars’ Divya-prabhandams , the other Tamil hymns that are recited
on certain specific occasions are ; Amudanar’s Ramanujanurrandadi and Manavala
Mahamuni’s Upadesaratnamdlai and Tiruvoymol Unurrandadi. The first one is in
praise of Ramanuja, the second in praise of the Alvars and acharyas and the last
in praise of Nammalvar.

Stotrapata recital

Sanskrit laudatory verses are also recited in this temple on six specified occasions.
The members of the Tatacharya family taks a leading part in it. Kurattalvar’s

103 Sri Varadara jaswami Temple— Kanchi

Varadardjastavam and Vedanta Desika’s Varadaraja-Panchdsat are recited.

Food-offerings

Offering of water and food or firtham and prasadam to the deities on the different
occasions or specified hours of the day is an important item in the daily pujas. This
holy water and food after they are offered to God are distributed among the temple-
employees and also to the devotees who have gathered for the service. The terms
used in the inscriptions for the holy food are Amudu , prasddams or taligai. The
latter term is peculiar to the Vishnu temples. The food is offered thrice in a day in
the morning ( Udayakalam ), midday ( Uchikalam ) and the early hours of the
night (< ardhajdmam ). The offering occurs usually at the end of each of the series of
functions in the course of the worship of the deity. During the late Chola and the
Vijayanagar days, extensive provisions for the food-offerings are recorded in the
inscriptions, not only for the daily routine but also on numerous festive occasions.
In fact, most inscriptions give a long list of details regarding the different proportions
of the various provisions and groceries required for different kinds of food-offerings.
During Achyuta Raya’s time, a ' Maha-neivedyam ’ a big special offering was instituted
in the temple for the king’s merit for which 14 villages were donated. The epigraph
gives graphic details of the Taligai and other items of groceries. 25 While for the
daily routine, only ordinary plain rice was offered, special food preparations were
offered often. They are mentioned frequently in the inscriptions and they make an
interesting reading :

(1) Panagam — Lemon juice mixed with water and jaggery.

(2) Vadaparuppu Gram soaked in water and mixed with salt, green-

chillies etc.

(3) Kari-amudu — Cooked vegetable.

(4) Daddhiyodanam — Rice mixed with curd (S.I.T.I., I, No. 346, p. 318).

(5) Dosaippadi — Rice-cake (S.I.T I , I, No. 353, p. 325),

(6) Adirasapadi — Sweet-cake (Ibid, No. 357, p. 332).

(7) Appapadi — Sweet-cake (Ibid, 354, p, 328).

(8) Vadai — Cake made with bengal-gram (Ibid, 366, p. 343).

(9) Sukiyinpadi — Made of dried ginger (Ibid, p. 346).

(10) Puliyorai — Cooked-rice mixed with tamarind and salt (Ibid, p. 351).

(11) Ellorai — Cooked-rice mixed with gingelly seed (Ibid, p. 351).

(12) Kadugorai — Cooked-rice mixed with mustard (Ibid, p. 351).

(13) Pongal — Rice-pudding (Ibid).

(14) Iddali — Rice-cake (Ibid).

(15) Akkaravadasil — Sweet pudding with cooked rice and milk (Ibid).

Section 2
FESTIVALS

Not only through worship and daily service to the deities, but through the
impressive celebrations of their annual festivals, when the images were taken out iff
processions, that this temple created religious fervour among the huge crowds of
people drawn from far and near. The processions of Lord Varadaraja afford a

PuJas and Festivals 101

grand spectacle of royal pageantiy. Some of the general features of the festivals can
be noted here :

(i) The deity is beautifully dressed and decorated with several costly jewels
mounted on various vehicles of wooden horse, elephant, lion, swan
etc., and taken in procession to different quarters of the Kanchi city. The
Gangai-kondan-mandapam, about 3 miles away from the temple, is the usual
terminus for all the processions.

(ii) The deity is given all the traditional royal paraphernalia like huge umbrellas
(chatra) and chamaras (fly-whisks) as He is considered to be the king of
kings. Two huge umbrellas, fly-whisks or chamaras flank the deity. The
priests or archakas sit in front. The processional deity is stopped at various
places so that the devotees can go near to offer worship.

(iii) In front of the procession proceed the persons bearing the sacred banners and
festoons; then follow the trumpeters, drum-beaters announcing the Lord’s
arrival. Usually, the drums are carried on the horse’s back. Then come
the caparisoned elephants. Next in order comes the huge concourse of
Prabhandam-ieciters called lyal-ghosti. They stand closely together and
move forward slowly reciting the Divya-prabhandams in their characteristic
mellifluous tones.

(iv) Behind the deity come the Veda-reciters called Vedaparayana-ghosti, who
recite the different vedas in the traditional orthodox style.

(v) Following them come the various Bhajana-ghostis or groups of singers of
devotional songs, mostly from Tamil prabhandams . They come in groups
from different parts of Tamil country to take part in this devotional service.
They are also known as the Bhagavata-ghostis and their recitals are marked
by great emotion and ecstasy.

These are the general features of the processions of this temple. Let us now
review the various festivals that take place in the course of the year. From the
inscriptions of this temple and the literary references, it is seen that many of these
festivals have been going on for centuries. In earlier stages, they seem to have been
done on a smaller scale. But from about 15th and 16th centuries, the festivals and
celebrations increased in number and grandeur, thanks to the numerous royal
grants and other private benefactions.

Chitra (April)

The most important festival in this month is the Tiruavatara-utsavam which
celebrates the birth of Sri Varadaraja. This falls on the hasta-stai when the Lord is
believed to have appeared before Brahma from the sacrificial fire. It marks the
descent of God Varadaraja on the earth. Special tirumanjanam (bath) and proces-
sion in the streets around the temple take place. On the full moon day of this
month called Chitrapaurnami day. Lord Varadaraja is taken in procession to the
banks of the river Palar for the famous Nadabhavi-utsavam . On the way He
goes to the Ayyangar-kulam. On the river-bank Brahma-aradana , Brahma’s worship
of Lord Varadaraja is re-enacted and the same is witnessed by thousands of worship-
pers. This performance of the festival in A.D. 1 595 is attested by an inscription
which calls the festival as ‘ TiruvuraV . The latter word refers to the spring-water in

102 Sri Varadardjasw&mi Temple — KUHchi

the river-bed where the festival takes place.

The Thotta-utsava or Garden-festival is another important festival during this
month. This festival was probably instituted in the 14th century by one Echchaya-
Dannayakkar, a minister of the Hoysala king Ballala III. 26 Two other epigraphs
dated S 1471 and S 1473 record grant for making provisions and offerings for the
garden- festival. 27 It is called Toppu Tir until and Vasanta Toppu utsavam in the
month of Chitra. In A. D. 1595, the garden was known as Visva-pundita- toppu ,
wherein there was a sixteen -pillared mandapa for the celebration of the festivals. 28

Vaikasi (May)

The most famous festival, namely, the Brahmotsava , is conducted on a spectacular
scale during this month for ten days. The day before the actual commencement of
the festival is known as the Senai Mudaliar Utsavam or Alvar TirunaL In the even-
ing of that day, Senai Mudaliar or Vishvaksena is propitiated. He is taken in
procession to collect the mirtigai or the sacred earth for construction of the altar for
conducting homa or sacrifice in the mornings and evenings during the ten days of this
festival. ■ This ceremony of the collection of sacred earth is mentioned as Tiruman-
pu[udivara in an inscription of Sadasiva’s time (dated A D. 1558). 29

First day : Early in the morning Sri Varadarajaswami with his consorts Sri-devi
and BhU-devi is taken in procession from the Hastigiri, gorgeously adorned with
exquisite jewels to the Vahana-mandapa in the outermost praktira. Then the dwaja-
rohanam or flag-hoisting takes place to the accompaniment of ritualistic observances,
as ordained by the Pancharatra-agama. The hoisting of the flag formally signifies
the commencement of the festival. After this, offerings are made to the guardian-
deities of the eight cardinal directions known as the Ashtadikpatas . Then the deity
goes out in procession in a golden vimana or chapram along the streets of Kanchi to
the Gangaikondtin-mandapa , about 3 miles away, and returns to the temple by about
10 a.m.

In the evening, the deity again goes out in procession on the Simha-vtihana (lion-
vehicle) and returns to the temple by about 9 p.m. After this, takes place a unique
celebration in this temple called the Dvitiya-raksha-bandanam or Irandam kappu. For
this Lord Varadaraja is taken back to his shrine on the Hastigiri where this second
raksha-bandanam is performed. This is very unusual because in the other temples when
once the Utsavabheras are taken out of their sanctum and the flag-hoisting ceremony
is completed, they are never taken back to the sanctum-sanctorum till the flag is drawn
down after the ten-day festival is over. But this peculiar practice was occasioned by
certain historical circumstances. During the troublesome days of the Muslim inva-
sion, the main deities weie removed to the Udayarpalayam forest where they remained
for some years. During this time, substitute idols were installed here and festivals
conducted. Some years afterwards, when peace prevailed in the land, the original
images were brought back to Kanchi. Just then, the second day of the annual Vai-
saka festival was going on. The devotees hastened back to the temple with the
original image in the evening of the second day. Rejoiced at the happy event, a
fresh raksha-bandanam was done for that deity and at the same time the festival
continued with the original deities. This is said to have occasioned the second
kappu festival which continues to be celebrated even now.

Pujas and Festivals 103

The details of the vahanas or vehicles for

as below :

Day

Morning

1st

Golden chapram (canopy)

2nd

Hamsa vdhanam or swan

3rd

Garuda or the Eagle

4th

Sesha-vahana (the divine
serpent)

5th

Mohini- avatar a (in a golden
palanquin)

6th

Chapram or canopy— the
deity is dressed like VSnugo-
pala

7th

Rathotsava or Tiruther i.e.,
car-festival

8th

No procession — only Totti
Tirumanjanam (the deity
is given a holy bath in a
tub)

this ten-day Brahmotsavam are outlined
Evening

Simharvahana (Lion)

Surysi-prabhai (Sun-vehicle)

Hanuman

Chandra-praftto* (the moon-vehicle)

Yali-vahana (combined form of ele-
phant and lion)

Elephant-ra/zana

No procession
Horse-vehicle

9th Adum-pallakku (swinging Punyakdti-vimana (canopy)

palanquin)

10th No procession — only Dwadasa - Vaitiver- chapram procession only

aradanam within the temple around the temple

Historical reference to the Vaikasi Festival

This ten-day Brahmotsava festival has been going on in this temple for many cen-
turies in the same order in which it is described above. An interesting epigraph of
the 14th century A.D. enumerates the localities to which the image of the God may
be taken on the days in which it is carried in procession on elephant, horse and
garuda vehicles respectively. It stipulates that on these days, the deity should be
taken upto Rangan Street. But from the day of the car festival on the 7th day, the
deity should be taken upto the Gangai-kondan-mandapam . 30 The epigraph further
stipulates four groves ( Toppu ) Seraman-Perumdl-Tiruttoppu, Araperunchelvi
Tiruttoppu , Senbagattiruttoppu, Rajenadevar-tiruttoppii. This inscription should
not be mistaken to refer to the genesis of the festival. It only stipulates the routes
for the procession. The festival was evidently much older. The third day festival
of Garudotsavam is specially mentioned by Vedanta Desika in his Varadarcija-pan -
chdsat . Doddayacharya, who lived in the 16th century, has described the beauty
of the Garuda festival. 31 Tyagaraja and Muthuswami Dikshitar, the two renowned
music-composers who lived in the 18th century, have sung ecstatically about this
festival in their famous compositions beginning with Vinatd suta and Sri Varadardja
respectively.

There are many more references in the inscriptions to the grants made at different
times for providing offerings to God during this Vaikasi festival. 32 An inscription
dated A.D. 1537 refers to this festival beginning with Alydr-tirunal . An epigraph
dated § 1493 (A.D. 1572) records the grant of five villages to this temple for con-

104 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple — Kafichi

ducting this festival which is called as "‘Tiruvaiyyasi TirunaF, It gives minute details
of various food offerings made on these festival days and to the distribution of the
food offerings to the Sri-Vaishnava and other devotees beginning with Ankurarpanam
and the Dwajdrohanam and ending with the Vidayatti . This epigraph refers to the
various mandapas where the procession was stopped for making offerings to God.
They are : Garuda-mandapa , abhisheka-tnandapa, T imm araja-mandapa and Nambi-man -
dap a and Gangai-k ondan~mandapa. zz

It is interesting to see even today the presence of a number of stone-built man-
dapas at various points on the road between the Sri Varadarajaswami temple and the
Gangai-kondan mandapa, though many of them are in disuse now. Many of them
have since been converted into shops or hotels.

Another important festival of this month is that of Nammalvar, the greatest of the
Vaishnava Alvars for whom there is a separate shrine in this temple. His birth-day
falls on the Vaisaka- star of the Vaikasi- month and so, happily coincides with the
annual Brahmotsavam. On the final day (, sathumurai ), Lord Varadaraja is taken in
procession to the Alvar’s shrine to receive the mangald-sasana (benediction) from His
great devotee.

Ani (June-July)

In this month Kodai-utsavam or summer festival is celebrated for seven days. On
the eighth day the Lord is mounted on the Garuda -vahana (Ani Garudan). As the
birth-day of Perialvar coincides with this, the Paratatva-nirnaya festival takes place
on this day. This festival is mentioned in a record of Sadasiva dated A D. 1558. 34
It speaks of the procession of Perumal and Perialvar around the streets. Another
record refers to this festival as Tirupalldndu-Sirappu , 35 The third important festival
of this month is the Jyeshjdbhisheka of both the utsava images of Perumal and Perun-
dgvi Tayar. It is conducted on the Sravana- star. It is on this occasion that the
gold covers or kavachams are removed and, after necessary adjustments are made,
are again fitted to the icons.

Adi (July-August)

In this month is celebrated the Tiruvadipuram festival in honour of Andal or
Sndikkodutta Nachiar for whom there is a separate shrine in the second prakara.
The festival culminates in the celebration of the marriage of Andal, the divine
maiden and the Lord. An inscription of the Vijayanagar times records provisions
for offerings to Sudikkodutta Nachiar (AndaJ) on the occasion of Tiruvadi-tirundl , 36
On the Adi full-moon day, the Gajendra-moksha festival takes place.

The procession takes" place in the night and is confined to the four streets around
the temple. But perhaps in the Vijayanagar times, the procession went as far as
the Gangai'kondan-mandapa. An epigraph dated A. D. 1592 refers to the grant of
a village for conducting the festivals in the month of Adi. During this time, the
deity used to go to the Gangai-k on dan~mandap a and after his return used to wit-
ness the Agnistdma- sacrifice. 37 A record dated 21st year registers a grant of
village by the Telugu-Choda chief Madurantaka Pottapi Cholan for conducting the
Adi- festival. 38

Pujas and Festivals 105

Avani (August-September)

In this month is performed the Favilrotsava festival. Its object is the expiation
of the sins of omission and commission arising in the daily worship and other reli-
gious rites performed in temples. It is essentially a purificatory ceremony. Dur-
ing this time, Sri Vaiadaraja is decorated with pavitramdld or purificatory garlands
made of silk thiead. The ceremonies included the performance of Hama and Vedic
recitations on all da>s. It ends with the Poorna-ahuti. That the pavitrotsavam was
celebrated even as early as A.D. 1521 is attested by an epigragh. 39 The perfor-
mance of this festival is referred to in a record of Achyuta Raya dated A.D. 1533.
It mentioned a grant of many villages for the provision of many important festivals
including the Tirupavitra-tirunaL 40 This is again referred to in an inscription dated
A.D. 15 37. 41

Another important festival of this month is the Sri Jayanti or the birth anniver-
sary of Krishna which falls on the day of the Rohinu This falls on the 8th day or
Ashtami of the dark fortnight. The festival celebrates the birth and boyish pranks
of Krishna. There are special pujas , offerings, holy bath followed by processions.
Next day is held the Uriyadi festival which symbolises the stealing of butter by
Krishna. This game creates a lot of fun and frolic, commemorative of the playful
acts of Krishna as child. An epigraph dated A.D. 1538 makes clear reference to the
celebration of this festival. It records a grant of money by one Vada TiruvSngada
Jiyar of Tirupati. 42

An undated epigraph of the Yijayanagar times informs us that the Uriyadi festival
was conducted in front of the Hanuman temple — -the place in which it is conducted
even today. 43 An epigraph dated A.D. 1517 mentions that the main deity used to
be taken in procession to the Hanuman temple to witness the Uriyadi festival. 44

Parattasi (September-October)

The grand Navardtri festival is celebrated for ten days in this month, when both
Varadaraja and Perundevi Tayar grace the durbar or kolu in the hundred-pillared
maydapa in the outermost prakdra on the Mahanavami day, an abhishekam or holy
bath for the deities is performed in the maydapa in front of the Tayar shrine fol-
lowed by a street procession. The festival of purattdsi mentioned in a 13th century
record perhaps refers to this festival. 45

An epigraph dated A D. 1 530 evidently refers to the same festival and calls it
Mahalakshmi festival in Purattasi. 46 Closely following Navaratn festival comes
Vijayadasami which is considered as specially auspiciou for the commencement of
any venture. On this occasion is performed the Vanni-t ree festival. This is men-
tioned in a record of A.D. 1530. 47 On the Sravana- day of this month is celebrated
the Sathumurai festival in honour of Sri Vedanta Desika of Vilakkoli koil at Thtlppil,
a suburb of Kanchi. Desika is brought in procession from his shrine to the Varada-
rajaswami temple for worship. This is in addition to a festival for Desika enshrined
in the temple itself in the vahana-mandapa. It is curious that none of the inscriptions
mentions this festival.

106 Sri VaradardjasHdmi Temple— Kdhchi

Aippasi (October-November)

This month witnessed the festivals for the Mudal-alvars and Manavala-Mahamuni
besides the Dee pa vail. Perhaps in the Chola days the festival for the Mudal-alvars
was celebrated on a more attractive scale. As early as A.D. 1129, we hear about
the festivals in honour of Bhudam and Pey Alvars conducted on their birth-days. A
grant of the date pro\ides for their worship on 13 days of every year on their birth-
stars. On these days Arujalapperumal was brought out and bathed with eightyone
kalasas or pots, and received great offerings. 48 Ankurarpanam a ceremony preliminary
to the religious feast was also conducted. For this function nine varieties of pulses
(navadhanya) are kept in nine vessels with water sprinkled over them so as to allow
for the germination of the seeds. This function is believed to symbolise prosperity
and therefore done before the commencement of any festival. Manavala-Mahamuni’s
festival is conducted for ten days in his shrine at the south-eastern corner of the outer-
most enclosure. The final day i.e., on Moola-nakshatram, Lord Varadaraja is
brought in procession to Mahamuni’s shrine and made to rest for some time,
when many verses from the Divya-prabhandam are recited. Then both are taken
together in procession into the inner precincts of the temple upto the abhisheka-mandapa
when a picturesque ceremony takes place. After receiving the blessings of the Lord,
Manavala-Mahamuni returns to his shrine. This old festival was suspended for 92
years from 1852 owing to sectarian disputes; but revived from the year 1944 under
the judicial orders. Offerings and festivals in honour of Manavala Mahamuni are
specifically mentioned in two inscriptions dated A.D. 1555 and 1582. The former
which belongs to the time of Sadasiva records a grant by Parakala Alagiya Singar
for offerings to all the 12 Alvars and some acharyas on their birth-days. The a chary as
mentioned are : Tirukkachi-nambi ( Mrigasirsa ), Emberumanar ( Tiruvdthirai ),

KUrattalvar ( Hastam ), Nathamunigal ( Anusham ) and Peria Jxyar ( Mulam ). Peria
Jiyar was Manavala Mahamuni whose birth-star was MulamA 9 The record of 1 582
clearly mentions Manavala Mahamuni- Arpasi-mula-Sirappu , 60 the festival conducted
on his annual birth-day for which honours were sent from the main shrine.

Karthigai (November-December)

In this month are celebrated the Karthigai festival and the festival for Tirumangai
Alvar. The latter falls on the Krithika-star. The Karthigai festival was performed
even as early as A.D. 1533. It was known as Tirukkartigai-tirunal. It is celebrated
on the full-moon day. The temple premises and private houses outside are all pro-
fusely illuminated with the traditional earthen lamps. This is observed to propitiate
Agni (Fire), one of the five elements.

Margaji (December- January)

One of the most important festivals in a SrI-Vaishnava temple is the Adhyayana -
utsavam that takes place in this month for 20 days. The period of this festival is
divided into two equal parts— the earlier ten days forming the first period or pagal-
pattu (i.e., days ten) and the latter ten days the second period or irapattu (in ten
nights). The second half commences on the Vaikunta-Ekadasi day. Here in this
temple there is no procession during the first half, namely, pagalpattu . On the Bogi
festival day, there is Tirukkalyanam or marriage performed for the Lord Varada and

Pujas and Festivals 107

Andal. The Adhyayana-utsavam is considered as the very soul of a Sri-Vaishnava
temple because it is a solemn occasion when the intimate relationship between God
and His devotees— Alvars and Acharyas— is fully brought out. During this time all
the devotional outpourings of the Alvars are recited in the presence of the chief deity
and all the Alvars and the Acharyas assembled in front. The second half (10 days)
is devoted chiefly to the recital of the Tiruvoymoli of Nammalvar, the central figure
among the Vaishnava canonised saints. At the finishing stage of the recital of the
Tiruvoymoli , which marks the culmination of the festival, the image of Nammalvar is
lifted and taken to the feet of the Lord to the accompaniment of the recital of the last
20 stanzas of the work which give a graphic description of how a released soul
transcends unto Godhood. He becomes one with the Almighty; but some time after,
the Alvar is re-granted to the world at the request of the earthly devotees for the
redemption of humanity. This festival is marked by profound solemnity and dignity.

A record of Achyuta Raya dated A.D. 1533 clearly refers to the Tiru-adhyayana
festival and the grant of provision for the same. 51

Another inscription dated A.D. 1 59 1 records a grant of village for the purpose
of conducting the Tiru-adhyayana festival in the month of MargaU . 52 It makes parti-
cular reference to the “ ulagamunda-peruvdyan-sirapptC 5 which is on the sixth day
after the Ekadasi when the sixth canto of Tiruvoymoli beginning with the words
“ Ulagamunda-peruvayan ” is recited.

Besides this, the regular morning Dhanurmasa worship takes place in the temple
when Andal’s Tamil composition— Tiruppavai — is recited. A special endowment was
made in A.D. 1527 in the time of Krishnadeva Raya for Dhanurmasa-puja and offer-
ings for all the 30 days of the month. 63 On the day after the Iyarpa Sattumurai of
the Adhyayana festival, the Anushtdnakulam festival is performed to commemorate
the incident in Ramanuja’s life. Varadaraja, accompanied by Ramanuja or Udaiya-
var, goes to the Ma-well (about two miles away from the temple) from where Rama-
nuja is believed to have carried water to the temple daily. There is now a small
temple for Ramanuja near the well. On the return, the chief deity is dressed like
a hunter ( Vedan ) as he once appeared to Ramanuja. There seems to be a reference
to this festival in an undated record of Vijayanagar king. 54

Thai (January-February)

This month is famous for the Parivettai festival at Sivaram, a place about ten
miles east of Kanchi and on the banks of the River Palar. Varadaraja goes there in
the early hours of the morning. He is taken up the hill and stationed at a temple
there. Thousands of people who gather from all neighbouring villages go up the
hill and offer worship. In the evening, He is taken to the river and then back to
Kanchi. The reference to Parivettai in a record dated !§ 1470 (A.D. 1548) may
be to the festival. 55 In the same month, on the Pournami day, the floating festival is
conducted in the enchanting Anantasaras tank within the temple. The Lord and His
consort are taken into a wooden pavilion which slowly floats and glides on the water.
The pavilion is beautifully illuminated.

The festival in honour of KUrattalvar takes place durtng the /fas ta- star of this
month. As the author of the famous Varadardjastavam and as one who was a close
associate of Ramanuja, he is specially honoured in this temple. Offering on Kurat-

108 Sri VaradarSjaswSmi Tempte—Kfflchl

talvar's birth-day is recorded in an epigraph dated A.D. I555. 58

M&si (February-March)

Another grand heating festival or Teppotsavam takes place in this month at Raja-
kulam or Rayajee tank about six miles from Kahchi. It takes place on the full-
moon day. There are references to this festival in the inscriptions of the temple which
mention it as udam-tirmal.

This is followed immediately by Davana-utsavam or Garden-festival for three days
within the temple garden called now as Dorai Thottam. This is a festival for both
Perumal and Tayar.

Panguni (March-April)

In this last month of the year is conducted the Panguni-Pallava Utsavam for
seven days when the sthalapurana of the temple viz., the Hastigiri Mahatmiya is read
in the hundred-pillared mandapa in the presence of Lord Varada.

In the same month is celebrated the marriage festival for Malayala Nachiyar for
whom there is a separate shrine in the temple. This is held for a week ending with
the marriage on the Uttiram day. This is a unique festival for this temple and it
attracts a vast concourse of devotees who are delighted to witness the divine marriage
on the auspicious day.

The performance of this festival in A.D. 1582 is attested by an epigraph of Srl-
rangaraya. It records endowment for offerings to be made during this festival
which is specially called Serakula-ndchiar-pangunPuttiram-sattumurai. It also in-
forms us that on that day Serakula-nachiar, Varadaraja and Senai-mudaliar were
taken in procession to a garden named Dalavay-toppu where offerings were
made.

Thus, it will be seen from the foregoing that the temple bristles with festivals all
through the year. They have been arranged with great forethought and planning,
so that many of them are appropriate to the season and weather-conditions. For
instance, the grand annual Brahmotsavam takes place in the month of May when
the vast agricultural population has resting time; the Teppotsavam or floating festi-
val in Mdsi soon after the rainy season is over, when the tanks would be full to the
brim. Even though there is evidence attesting to the occurrence of the annual and
a few other festivals in the Chola days, it is clear from the inscriptional evidences
cited above, that it was during the Vijayanagar times— from about the 14th century,
the festivals increased both in number and grandeur. The rituals and functions in
the temple also increased which correspondingly needed new types of structures like
the Kalyana-mandapa, uhjal-mandapa and Vasanta-mandapa.

Any description of the Kahchi festivals can hardly do justice to their grandeur.
The vast multitude that throng the thoroughfares and the temple premises and wait
for hours on end to have a glimpse of the Lord, the great devotional surge that one
witnesses in the emotional recitation of the Vedas and the Divya-prabhandams , the
bhajanas or singing-parties, the graceful march of the Lord from the temple to the
Gangaik ondan-mandapa and back, amidst the milling crowds, all these scenes are to
be seen to be believed.

Pujas and Festivals 109

NOTES

1. It is generally considered that the image-
worship was not popular in the Vedic
period. Even the agamas explicitly state
that idols eie a mere help though a
very necessary one for the sadhaka
(worshipper) to conceive and meditate on
God. Vishnu-samhita , XXIX, 55-57.

See also S. Dasgupta : A History of Indian
Philosophy , III (1952), pp. 18-19.

2. V. Rangacharya, Historical Evolution of

Sri-Vaishnavism in South India , The

Cultural Heritage of India, op. cit., p. 164,
note 1.

3. H. Daniel Smith : PdTicharatra prasada -
prasada, Madras, 1963.

4. Jaydkhya Samhita , Gaekwad Oriental
Series, No. LTV, Baroda, 1931, verses
8, 9, 12 and 13.

5. S.I.T.I, I, No. 424.

6. L.A. Ravi Varma, Rituals of Worship ,
The Cultural Heritage of India, The
Ramakrishna Mission Institute, Vol. IV,
pp. 445 ff.

7. This ‘Tiruvusadam’ offering is mentioned
in a record datable to A.D. 1530 (S.I.T.I ,
I, No. 357, p. 333).

8. Interpolated chapter of the Jayakya -
Samhita , verses 90-120.

9. S.I.I., Iir, No. 80.

10. S.I.T.I., No. 358.

11. S.I.T.I., No. 343.

12. Ibid, No. 346.

13. S.I.T.I., No. 372.

14. S.I.T.I., No. 343.

15. S.IX, IV, No. 853.

16. S.I.T.I., I, No. 355.

17. 566 of 1919.

18. 566 of 1919.

19. 432,446,463 etc. of 1919.

20 568 of 1919.

21. 508 of 1919.

22, 44 of 1893.

23. 489 of 1919.

24. Satagoparandadi verse, Vedattin mun
Selga...

25. S.I.T.I., I, 357.

26. 401 of 1919.

27. 530 and 509 of 1919.

28. S.I.T.I., No. 370.

29. 585 of 1919.

30. 604 of 1919, S.I.T.I., Vol. I, No. 345.

31. See Appendix I for details of such des-
criptions.

32. S. I. ,T. I , No. 372.

33. S.I.T.I., I, No. 569.

34. 585 of 1919.

35. 657 of 1919.

36. S.I.T.I., I, 372.

37. 381 of 1919.

38. 419 and 432 of 1919.

39. S.I.T.I, I., ’No. 346.

40. Ibid , No. 406.

41. 422 of 1919.

42. 579 of 1919.

43. S.T.T.I., No. 372, p. 357.

44. S.I.T I., No. 391, p. 376.

45. 432 of 1919.

46. 646 of 1919; S.I.T.I., No. 378.

47. S.I.T.I., No. 378.

The Fawn-tree (Piosopis Spicigerd) is
held specially ausipious, the worship of
which would grant many boons. Rama
is said to have worshipped it before he
started his search for his lost wife, Sita.

48. S.IX, III, No. 80.

49. S.I.T.I., No. 390.

50. 479 of 1919.

51. S.I.T.T., I, 406.

52. 421 of 1919.

53. 439 of 1919.

54. S.I.T.I., I, 372.

55. 482 of 1919.

56. S.I.TX, 1,390.

CHAPTER VI

FUNCTIONARIES AND HISTORY OF MANAGEMENT

The position of the temple as an institution providing work for a large number
of people is a striking feature of the socio-economic life of the mediaeval times.
Large temples afforded ample opportunities to the people of the locality to serve the
temple in various capacities involving religious, administrative and other quasi -reli-
gious and manual work. We know that the great temple at Thanjavur had nearly
600 employees on its rolls in A.D. 10 LI. 1 The koil-olugu , the chronicle of the Sri-
rangam Vishnu temple, gives graphic details of the various classes of the temple-
servants and their duties. 2 Though no such written account is available for the Vara-
darajaswami temple, the inscriptions therein provide us with valuable data regard-
ing this aspect. The temple employees are referred to by many general terms such as
koil-parivarangal, koil-paniseivargal, Uliyakkarargal . 3 A record dated 35th year of
Kulottunga Chola III (circa A.D. 1213) informs us that there were 200 women (padi-
yilar ) serving in this temple. They were known as T ribhuvana- vTrad e van-pad iyilar,
perhaps named after the king’s title — Tribhuvana-vira-devan . 4 The same inscription
also informs us that these 200 persons were provided with lands and houses. Perhaps
this was the general pattern followed by way of remunerating the temple servants.
Unfortunately, the record does not give the details of the various servants and their
functions. The true import of the numerous names and designations that occur in
many other epigraphs is discussed in the light of the data available in the koil-olugu
and in the inscriptions of other temples. The history of the management is traced
under a separate section.

The functionaries of the temple can be studied under three broad categories :

(i) those engaged in purely spiritual or religious services like the performance of
the puja or worship, chanting the sacred hymns etc ;

(ii) those engaged in rendering various kinds of quasi-religious, artistic and
other manual work; and

(iii) those appointed to do administrative work pertaining to matters like
the management, supervision over the staff, the maintenance of accounts etc.

Section 1

SPIRITUAL FUNCTIONARIES

(1) Jlyars

The most highly respected spiritual or religious dignitaries who were in charge of
the proper conduct of the religious ceremonies, worship and other procedures were
the Jlyars. A few Chola records of the temple make pointed reference to the
presence of the * koil-Jiyars * though the exact nature of their religious duties is not

112 Sri VaraJirdja wdmi Temple — Ranchi

specified. 5 But we know from the works like the Koilolugu and the Tirvmalai-olugu
that the Jlyars were functioning as the spiritual heads in both the temples at Srlran-
gam and Tirupati from the days of Ramanuja. They were the authorities in the
modes and procedures of the ceremonies, connected with the worship.

The Jlyars were ascetics (sanyas is). Usually, persons of sound knowledge of the
scriptures and good character were selected for the Jiyar’ s position. They need not
be necessarily celebates, but persons leading a normal married life ( grihastas ) were
also often chosen. But after the selection, they should renounce their household
duties and other material comforts and take to the ascetic life, dedicating themselves
to the religious service. The Jlyars had their own mathas or monasteries, having a
number of disciples who sought spiritual initiation and enlightenment.

From the records of the 15th, the 16th and the 17th centuries of our temple, we
learn that successive Jlyars with the monastic cognomen Alagiya-manavala-Jiyar
functioned as the spiritual heads in this temple. They were known as the Koyil-Kelvi -
Jlyar i.e., the Jiyar who was the Koil-Keki or the temple superintendent, just like
Vada-Tiruvengada Jiyar was the Koil-Kehi of the Tirumalai temple, more or less at
the same period.

The Jlyars held an important and honoured place in the temple hierarchy and
their presence during momentous occasions attests to this. Thus, when the Vijaya-
nagar king Krishnadeva Raya specified the routes to be followed by the cars of the
Sri Varadarajaswami temple and the Ekamresvarar temple, the former was represent-
ed by the Jlyars, Stanattars and the Accountant 6

Many are the epigraphs which specify the shares in the prasadam (holy food) of
the Jlyars. A record dated A.D. 1562 allots one fourth of the share to Alagia Mana-
vala Jiyar. 7 Whereas a record dated 1595 allots a share to the Jiyar equal to that
of the Stanattars and the Sri-Vaishnavas of the temple. 8

The Alagia-manavala Jlyars held an eminent position in the temple even as late
as A.D. 1724 as attested by the copper plate grant of that date. 9 But, they
seem to have lost their eminent position of koil-kelvi in the wake of the sectarian
disputes.

However, the Alagia-manavala-Jiyar-7fta//za is still there at Kanchi and the Jiyar
attends the morning and evening services regularly every day and takes part in the
recital of the Tamil hymns ( Divya-prabhandams ) along with the Tenkalai adhyapakas
or reciters. During the festivals, the Jiyar takes a leading part in the procession
along with his prabhandam reciters.

(2) Sri-Vaishnavas of the temple

Members of the many Sri-Vaishnava families did the duties of chanting the Sans-
krit vedas and the Tamil prabhandams. Many Choi a and later epigraphs mention
them as the Koil- Sri-Vaishnavas. 1 * An epigraph of Kulottunga III (A.D. 1178-1216)
mentions them as the Tiruppadi-Sn-Vaishnavas, the word Tiruppadi meaning here
“the sacred shrine”. 11 From two records of the reign of the same king, we learn
that they constituted an important body who entered into agreements with the do-
nors, accepted donations and agreed to implement the provisions of the agreement.
They anticipated the StaJattars of the later periods (481 and 493 of 1919). Another
record refers to them as “Perumal Koil-Srf-Vaishnavas”. 12 They were entitled to get

Functionaries and History of Management 113

a regular share in the sanctified food or any other special offerings. 13 A number of
epigraphs of the 15th and 16th centuries frequently refer to the lyal-sevikkum-Sri -
vaishnavas i.e., the Srl-Vaishnavas reciting lyal or Tamil hymns. 14 An epigraph
dated A.D. 1242 records the grant of 17| veils of land to 58 Brahmins reciting the
Vaishnava hymn TiruvoymoUP Another record refers to the Sn- Vaishnavas reciting
the Vedas and says that they were paid some cash also. 16 Even today, there is what
is known as the adhyapaka-mirds by which many reciters of the sacred hymns get a
regular emolument in kind and cash.

In the 17th century, a few selected Sri- Vaishnava leaders received the honour of
precedence in reciting the Tamil hymns and receiving the Tirtham and prasadam i.e.,
holy water and food. It is known as the arulappada honour which is being
enjoyed hereditarily. 17

(3) Archakas

The officiating priests who conduct the worship in the inner shrines are called
the archakas or Bhattacharyas . Now there are ten priests to attend to the various
shrines in the temple by a system of rotation (mural). There are separate priests for
the shrines of the Alvars and the acharyas. A record of the 13th century informs
us that there were 10 Battar s (priests) in the temple at the time. 18 The one who did
service at the main sanctum was known as Periaperumal-Nambi and the names of
some of the other priests were : Karunakara-Battar, Devappiran Varadaraja-Battar.
The priest attending to the Narasimha shrine was known by the general name Singap-
perumal-Dikshitar. 19 The priest in charge of dressing the deity was called Singara-
nambi. 20 Some of the names of the priests occurring in the inscriptions are interest-
ing. They are : —

(1) Sridhara Battar 21

(2) Ramanuja-Govinda Battar 22

(3) Alagiya-manavala-Battar 23

(4) Narasinga Battar 24

(5) Vasudeva Battar. 25

As already seen, the interpolated chapter in the Jayakhya-Samhita lays down certain
qualifications of birth and training for the priests of this temple. 26

In the older times, the priests of the temples were provided with houses to live
in and some lands for sustenance, besides a regular share in the daily food-offerings.
Thus, a record datable to the first half of the 14th century registers a gift of a house-
site and some privileges to a priest named Narasinga Battar of this temple. 27 Any
donation for festival or offerings made special allotment of a share thereof for the
priests. The practice continues even today. But now no residential quarters are given.
Only a share in the food and some cash award constitute their remuneration. Money
collected through the individual devotees and pilgrims by way of performing the
archanas (special worship) goes to the priests. But on the whole, their income is
poor and is hardly commensurate with the labour and time spent.

(4) Paricharakas

They are the attendants who render assistance to the officiating priests. They do
various smaller duties like the supply of water for the holy bath and various other

114 Sri Varadarajaswdmi Temple — KdHchi

sundry items like the incense, camphor etc., at regular intervals to the priest when
the latter is engaged in performing the pit] a.

These employees are referred to in an epigraph dated A.D. 1592 as the Sannidhi
Parichdrakas , the attendants in the shrine. 28

(5) Vinnappam-seivar

They were the temple singers and reciters. According to the Koil-ofugu, they
were known as the Araiyars at Srirangam. They used to sing the Tamil prabhandams
in front of the deity in a particular musical note, accompanied by the vitta. Some-
times, they would show gestures and act. Particularly, their swingsongs during the
swing-festival ( Onjal ) and Tiruppalli-ehichi in the month of mdrgali are mentioned in
the o[ugu. The Araiyars are still functioning at Srirangam. We know from an ins-
cription dated A.D. 1242, that there were 22 vinnappam-seivar of the Brahmin caste
at the Varadaraja temple. 29

(6) Tiramanjanam-edukkiravar (carriers of holy water)

This is a class of Brahmin employees engaged in bringing water from the river
for the holy bath. On festive occasions, they used to go in groups and carry water
in decorated silver or brass vessels for the anointment. They are mentioned in the
two records dated A.D. 1536 and 1540. 30 The former record mentions that each
of them was paid one panam per day as wage.

Section 2

FUNCTIONARIES FOR QUASI-RELIGIOUS AND OTHER MANUAL WORK

Besides those engaged in the purely religious duties, there were numerous emplo-
yees rendering various kinds of semi-religious and other physical service to the
temple.

(1) Swayampakis (cooks)

There was a kitchen or madappallj in the temple. An epigraph of even the 1 1th
century refers to the construction of a kitchen (Mahan asa) in the temple. 31 It was
meant to prepare taligai or food of various kinds to be offered to the deities The
cooks were regular employees of the temple getting remuneration both in kind and
cash. Their chief duties were, the preparation of food, making the cooked rice into
blocks, and taking them to the various shrines from the kitchen. They are not
hereditary servants, “but are appointed from time to time. An inscription dated A.D.
1591 mentions the share of food to the Swayampakis from the offerings made by a
donor. 32 Apart from cooking the normal quota of food for the daily offerings, the
cooks have to prepare special kinds of food during the festival times for which they
would get extra allowance in kind and cash.

(2) Viniyogam-seivar (food-distributors)

These were in charge of distributing the consecrated food to the customary clai-
mants as well as the ordinary devotees who have gathered for a particular service.
There was one head for this class called “Viniydgam-seiyum parupatyakarar” 33 who

Functionaries and History of Management 115

supervised the distribution and saw to it that it was made in accordance with the
conditions in force. Probably he was responsible for making over the stipulated
shares for various service-holders.

(3) Singan-murai (suppliers of fuel)

These were in charge of the supply of fuel to the kitchen. The fuel is frequently
referred to in the epigraphs as Erikarumbu . 3i This service called Singan-murai is
mentioned in the Tirupati inscriptions as well as Tirumalai-Ohigu , 35

(4) Sri-padam Tangiravarse

This phrase refers to the devotees who carry the processional deities within the
precincts of the temple. This is not a fixed office, but it is often rendered as a volun-
tary service.

(5) Mun-tandu-pin-tandu-pidikkaravar or Kodi-karar 37

This refers to the labourers who carry the deities mounted on the big vehicles or
vahanas in the streets, outside the temple. Mostly the labourers did this difficult
and strenuous work. The vahanas are very heavy and are usually fixed to a large
flat wooden plank. Large and thick wooden poles about 100 ft. long are tied to the
bottom and lifted by labourers who divide themselves into four groups for the four
sides. The terms mun-tandu , pin-tandu refer to the poles in front and at the back of
the deity. They were paid daily wages in cash, besides food.

(6) Kodi-kudai-al 38 (banner and umbrella-bearers)

This refers to the labourers who carry the banners and the umbrellas. There are
special colourful banners, with the Vaishnava-symbols which are carried in front of
the festival processions.

Similarly, one of the things for which Kahchipuram is famous, is the making of
huge and beautiful temple umbrellas which are carried on either side of the deity.

(7) Ther-niminda-al 39 (car -pullers)

This refers to the labourers who were engaged in directing and pulling the huge
wooden car along the streets on the seventh day of the annual festival. The wheels
are huge, about 10 ft. in diameter. As it is difficult to pull the car straightaway,
persons were engaged in inserting long poles as an incline-lever behind the wheels and
press it so that wheels would move and once they got moving, it was easy to pull the
car. This term niminda perhaps refers to this initial operation in starting the car.
The car-pullers were given wages which is mentioned as Vadam-piditha-kuli , vadam
meaning the thick ropes tied to the car for pulling. 40

(8) Tiruvldi-pandam-pidittavan 41 (torch-bearers)

There were a number of torch-bearers in all processions both inside the temple and
in the outer streets. A bundle of cotton rags tied around iron prongs at the end of
a wooden handle and soaked in the gingelly or ground-nut oil and lighted usually
served as the light or the pandam. It is called Tivatti . A long metal rod was also
used as handle. This is called by an epigraph as TiruIckulaFpandam. 42 The wages

116 Sri Vararfarfi jaswdmi Temple— KSnchi

for the light -bearer are described in an epigraph as Tivatti-sumanda-kuli , a

(9) Tiruvijakku-karan

This office is mentioned in an epigraph of A.D. 1572. 44 Perhaps, he was res-
ponsible for all the lighting arrangements in the shrines, entrances, outer precincts
and the processions.

(10) Men in charge of crackers

A few persons were specially engaged in letting fireworks and crackers during
the festivals. On certain nights there would be a splendid show of colourful lights
and crackers. Such persons are mentioned as vanam-sudikkum-aL * 5

(11) Sculptors (Silpis)

This class of artisans is mentioned as silpis in an inscription dated A.D. 157 1. 46
They were an important class of well-trained artisans, steeped in the architectural
traditions and texts. Here in South India, this continues to be a hereditary family
profession. In such a vast temple complex the need to employ this class is quite
obvious. Besides structural additions or alterations, repairs to the existing struc-
tures must have been entrusted to them. One inscription refers to them as those who
undertake repairs to the mandapas ( Mandapam Seppanidugira ). 47

Now the sculptors or masons are not permanently on the rolls of the temple emp-
loyees. But, formerly, they seem to have been employed regularly to attend to
various constructional and repair-activities and special grants of lands were given to
them.

(12) Carpenters

There were also temple carpenters to attend to various duties like the making or
repairing of the vahanas or vehicles, preparing the wooden poles to carry them,
wooden pedestals, wooden handles for umbrellas etc., which were needed from time
to time. The making of the huge wooden car with exquisite ornamental work must
have involved considerable labour and ingenuity. This class is mentioned in inscrip-
tions dated A.D. 1558 and 1572. 48 From the latter epigraph we learn that on the
eve of the car festival the carpenters were in charge of seeing that the car was put in
road-worthy condition and carry out any repairs, if necessary. Often, the carpenters
were given lands named Tacha-maniam.

(13) Blacksmiths

The record dated A.D. 1558, referred to above, mentions this class of artisans as
kGrumdrs , engaged to do certain works in the temple. Their services were also needed
in the preparation and maintenance of the wooden car and other vehicles with their
vast network of bolts and nails. Besides, they had also to supply solid iron-blocks
to be placed in front of the wheels of the car in order to stop it at various places
from moving. This is specially mentioned in an epigraph as “ Tiruther Irumbu
mutti”.**

Functionaries and History of Management 117

(14) Goldsmiths

Though there is no direct reference to them in any of the epigraphs, we can easily
presume that they were of immense service to the temple. We get a number of refe-
rences to the donations of costly golden and other precious stone jewels to the deity —
like the golden yajnopavlta 50 (sacred thread), golden krlta (headgear), sankha , chakra,
abhaya-hasta (a covering over the hand set in precious stones). 51 All the deities were
endowed with gold ornaments like necklaces, armlets etc. To make such jewels as
well as renew and burnish the old ones from time to time, the services of the gold-
smiths were required by the temple which perhaps allotted certain lands for the
goldsmiths (Tattdra mdniam), as it was done in many villages.

(15) Bronze and bell-metal workers

Another important class of artisans whose services are indispensable for a temple
were the metal workers who made a number of bronze idols from time to time. A
variety of brass lamp-stands were presented to the temple. 52 Like sculptors, they
must have also been in regular employment receiving fixed annual remuneration in kind
and occasional cash rewards. They also prepared the bells and gongs in the temple used
during the ceremonies and festivals. They also made the metal sheet coverings over
the stone steps, sikharas and thresholds in the temple.

(16) Potters and Washermen

Both the classes should have been on the regular rolls of the temple-employees.
Potters supplied the necessary cooking vessels and pots for keeping the grains, cereals,
sandal paste etc.

Washermen cleaned the garments of the deities daily. Besides this, they had to
supply the necessary waste-cotton or cloth for the processional torches.

Probably they were granted lands by the temple for their maintenance. Even now
a special festival is held annually to honour the potters, washermen, barbers etc.,
serving in the temple.

(17) Pandal-erecters

Erection of pandal or shamianas with the help of dried coconut leaves on a vast
scale is a special feature of all festivals in South India. Rows of bamboo or other
poles would be erected or planted in the ground and over them cross poles would be
fixed or tied and then the plaited and dried coconut leaves, each about two metres
long, would be spread and tied. This would provide the necessary shade around the
temple for the pilgrims. The edges of the ceilings of the pandal would be decorated
with festoons, pendants etc. Probably a special batch of men attended to this work
who were paid daily wages. An epigraph dated 1553 mentions them as pandal -
singdrikka-al-kuli . 53

(18) Garden-keepers and Garland-makers

Maintenance of gardens and supply of garlands and flowers to the temple was
considered a pious duty. Perialvar and Tondaradipodi Alvar spent their life-time in
this sacred duty. We find in the epigraphs of the Choi a and Vijayanagar times a
number of references of a class of people named Dasa-nambis . Much of the garden-

118 Sri Vara Jar djaswdmi Temple -~K&Hchl

service was done by them not only in Kanchi but also at Tirumalai, Srlrangam, Srl-
perumbadilr. A record dated the time of Gandagopaia refers to the Tirutna -
laichdttam Das a nambi i.e., the Ddsa-rtambi who supplies the garland. Numerous are
the grants of lands particularly specified for rearing flower-gardens for the supply of
flowers to the temple. The services rendered by the class are considered separately
in a later context. 51

Section 3

ADMINISTRATIVE STAFF AND HISTORY OF MANAGEMENT

Even from the Choja days, a number of administrative and supervisory officers
worked in this temple to manage its affairs. The earliest among them were the
Vdriar and the Karanattdn, both of them mentioned in a record datable to A.D.
1155. 55 The former is explicity stated to be in charge of the management of the
temple whereas the latter’s dulies are not specified in the record. However, both
are mentioned in connection with the responsible work of receiving and supervising
the endowments made to the temple by the assembly {sabha) of a nearby village.
The explicit statement in the epigraph about the Variars is : Arulalapperumal koil
Srlkdryam seyyum Variapperumakkal. This clearly means the great men of the variant
who are doing the Sri-karyam or the management of the Arulalapperumal temple.
From this record, it is quite clear that the Sri-karyam was the office and the body of
people called the Variapperumakkal were in charge of it. Who were these variapperu -
makkal ? Variam may literally mean a committee of chosen or selected men to
execute certain works. Early mediaeval epigraphs of Tamilnad are replete with
instances of the village- assemblies appointing a number of variams or committees to
look after the special works such as the supervision of lakes, gardens, irrigation etc.
Likewise was the variapperumakkal of the Arulalappermal temple, a committee of
the village assembly, appointed to look after the management of the temple. Possi-
bly it was so; but the evidence is not clear, especially because there is no mention
about the sabha or any other form of assembly in the inscriptions of Varadarajaswami
temple. However, what appears more plausible is that AttiyUr, being essentially a
small temple-village, might have had a committee of Great Men or Elders — Vdria-
pperumakkal— to look into the affairs of the temple as well as the village. Such
instances of religious bodies or corporations having quasi-public character are not
unknown in the mediaeval South India. A similar case in point is a record of a
temple at Uttiramerur which mentions the transactions done by the Variapperuma -
kkal Prof. Nilakanta Sastri, who has examined that record at length observes :
“The phrase {variapperumakkal) may mean great men doing i driam and may only
be another form of the term vdriyar; but it looks very much like meaning ‘members
of the variam ’ the last being understood as a committee. But it should be noticed
that there is no reference whatever to the sabha in this record, and possibly the
vdriyam of this record had nothing to do with the sabha.”™ So, we may not be
wrong if we take the variapperumakkal of our record to be a committee of elders
elected or appointed by the village-people to look after the local affairs of the village
as well as the temple which were closely linked together in multifarious ways. The
conspicuous absence of any mention about any known form of administrative assem-

Functionaries and History of Management 119

biy for the Attiyur village sabha , Ur or Nagaram and designating the members of the
variant as 4 perumakkaV or great men or elderly men in the inscriptions lend support
to this view. Indeed, in the entire gamut of the epigraphs of Sri Varadarajaswami
temple, ranging for a long period from the 11th to the 18th century, there is no
mention of assembly of the village anywhere. On the other hand, for the early
periods we get the term variapperumakkal and for the later period, the stanattdr who
were in charge of the temple-management. Perhaps, the latter people were the lineal
descendants of variapperumakkal and were in charge of not only the affairs of the
temple but also those of the village as a whole.

It is interesting to find the slow evolution that the c variarrC underwent. A record
of slightly later period mentions that Koil-varian and karanattan received the cash
endowment on behalf of the temple. A record of Kulottunga III dated to A D. 1190
registers the receipt of cash by the koil-varian and the karanattan 57 A later record
belonging to Rajaraja III (5th year— A D. 1221) records a gift of cash received by
them. 58 The mention of a single official varian instead of a body of men £ variapperu -
makkaV may well indicate that sometimes the executive power was transferred from
a committee to one or more officials named varian , or it may simply mean that varian ,
as a representative of the committee, did the functions of a committee as a whole.
Similar instances of the variars together with the karanattars functioning as the
managers of a temple which were till then done by a committee or assembly, are
known to us from places like Suclndram in Kanyakumari District. 5 *

Anyway, the record cited last which is dated A.D. 1221, is the last one that
speaks of the varian. After that they are no longer heard of. Instead, we see the
emergence of a new group or board of managers or trustees named the stanatfdrs.

Karanattan

As mentioned earlier, this is one of the important officers of the temple mentioned
in the early records. He was evidently the accountant and the record-keeper. In
fact, the word karanam means document and obviously therefore karanattan was in
charge of the drafting of the documents and the proper unkeep of the accounts. In the
two records datable to A.D. 1155 and 1189, he is mentioned along with the variars
as the authorities with whose knowledge and acceptance the endowments are made. 60
In one they are said to receive the cash endowment made for the temple. Probably,
while the variars were the executive officials or managers, the karanattan was in charge
of the maintenance of the accounts of all transactions. Later on, the designation
seems to have been slightly modified. In the later records, he is designated koil-
kanakku, and invariably all the records of the Chola and Vijayanagar kings, re-
gistering the temple transactions, were written in his presence and signed and
authenticated by him. Almost every inscription of this temple thus ends with the
words “Ivai koil-kanakku (name of the individual) j Efuttu” meaning that these were
written by koil-kanakku or the temple accountant. Incidentally, we get a number of
interesting personal names of the accountants at various times. Mostly, they added the
name Arulalapriyan 61 (lover of Arulala) or Tiru AttiyUr Priyan 62 (lover of the sacred
Attiyur) to their surnames.

The accountants were probably not granted any lands because none of the inscrip-
tions has any reference to that effect, but they were probably given remuneration in

120 Sri VaradarBjQ* ndn;i Temple — K&Hchi

kind, like paddy and also some cash. In addition, they were given a specific daily share
in the cooked rice. Besides this in all endowments for festivals and other offerings,
a special mention is made of the share of the prasadam (consecrated food and other
delicacies) to the accountant. This shows that they enjoyed certain special duties and
privileges during the festivals and ceremonies.

In a record of Krishnadeva Raya dated S 1439 (A.D. 1517) the accountant
is called the A anaLku pillai 63 by which he is mentioned in all 17th and 18th century
recoids and he has signified so in important documents of the temple. We know for
certain, that till a few decades ago, the post was hereditary. The office of Kanakku -
pillai still continues under the same name.

Srl-Bhandarattar

Sri-BIunddram was the temple treasury and those who were in charge of the
treasury were known as the Sri-Bhandar attar. The large amount of cash and gold
that accrued to the temple’s credit through donations and income were deposited in
the safe-vaults of the temple. Apparently, they were at first a merely receiving and
distributing body; but later on, came to possess also administrative powers like
selling of the temple lands on suitable conditions. Thus, while most of the transac-
tions were approved of by the stanattar , a few which involved cash-gifts, were done
by Sri-Bhandar attar, either all alone or along with the stanattar. For instance, in
A.D. 1537, a cash gift of 80 gold panam was received by the Sri-Bhandar attar who
agreed to utilise the interest towards certain offerings. 64 In this record, the stanattars
are not mentioned. On another occasion in A.D. 1537, in connection with the
refixing of the temple’s share from its lands cultivated by its tenants, the transactions
were agreed to by Sri- Bhandar at tar and the Sri-karyam . 65 Similar instances are
recorded in many other inscriptions. 66

Besides the treasury of the main temple, there seem to have been separate treasu-
ries for certain subsidiary shrines of the temple. This is borne out by a record dated
§ 1389 (A.D. 1467) which registers an agreement between the treasury of Tirumali-
sai Alvar shrine and those of the main temple. 67 The former purchased from the
latter two pieces of waste lands and brought them under cultivation. From this, we
might infer that there was a separate body of treasurers to administer the funds
and chanties of this shrine. Whether this was also the case with all other smaller
shrines, we do not know.

Stanattar

By far the most important class of officers of the temple were the stanattars who
are variously called the tdnattdrs and the stalattars. The earliest reference to them
in our temple records occurs in two inscriptions, one of them belonging to A.D. 1234,
and another datable to A.D. 1236. 6S Unfortunately, we do not get much information
regarding the composition of this group, the mode of appointment etc. But, as
mentioned earlier, they were probably the prototypes or the lineal descendants of
the variapperumakkal of the earlier times and as such, included among themselves the
select and the best qualified elderly people of the locality.

Dr. Venkataramanayya calls the stanattars as the Board of Trustees and equates^
them with the Stanikas mentioned in the Telugu work Amuktamalyada (of Krishna-

Functionaries and History of Management 121

deva Raya) as having been in charge of the Vishnu temple at Srivilliputtur. 69 He
says that during the Vijayanagar times, the stanattars were mostly set up by the
government and by private donors or local people. But in the case of our temple,
there is no evidence of the stanattars having been appointed by the Government. On
the other hand, viewed from the context of the stalattars mentioned in the records of
the 18th century, it appears that they were selected by the local people, though the
mode of appointment remains obscure.

Almost all transactions of the temple like the receiving of the gifts from the chiefs,
kings or private persons or institution of special offerings or services, were done only
on the approval of the stanattars. On behalf of the temple, they agreed to fulfil the
purposes of an endowment.

In the records of the 17th and 18th centuries, the stanattars are referred to as
the stalattars . 70 They continued to wield decisive powers not only in the
administration of the temple but on allied matters also like the procedures
of festivals, conferring of honours etc. The honours of ‘"first tirtham and
arulappadu” were conferred by them on select and deserving people of the locality.
Thus in A.D. 1687, the stalattars conferred such rights of receiving the first tirtham
and arulappadu on one Govindacharya, son of Prativati Bhayankaram Rangacharya. 71
Again in A.D. 1714, they conferred honours on one Konappachariar to be enjoyed
hereditarily. 72

Thus, from the inscriptions as well as later temple records, it is seen that the
stalattars of the temple were a powerful body of temple-trustees who were the sup-
reme authorities in the temple administration.

Royal control over the temple

The presence of the king's representative in such a big town as Kahchipuram both
in the later Chola and the Vijayanagar times, possibly acted as a check over the
trustees. But it is well known that even in mediaeval times, the Government did not
interfere with the internal affairs of a temple. The general policy of the Hindu
monarchs to the religious institutions was one of non-interference. They protected
and maintained the institutions by their liberal grants and did not undertake the
actual management of them or interference in their internal administration, which
was largely left to their own controlling bodies. But there was a general supervision
by the local officers of the king, who were responsible for maintaining law and order
in the land. If the king or his officer did interfere, it Was rarely and in order to
correct some local error or irregularity or to arbitrate in a dispute and this was never
taken amiss. The temple-lands and properties were subject to the usual taxation
and other regulations, unless explicitly exempted.

On the whole, the royal control was much less in the Chola times when the
temple establishment was not so large and its income limited. But with the increase
in its properties, landed interests and the enlargement of the temple’s role in the
social and economic spheres, the royal control tended to become greater. Some
indications to this effect are available in post-Chdla and Vijayanagar records of our
temple. An inscription of the 1 3th century records an order of the local king
Rajanarayan SambQvaraya to the stalattars of the temple that they should follow
certain routes and stop at certain groves during the processions of the festivals. 73

122 Sri VaradarSjaswumi Temple— KMchi

Similarly, in A.D. 1517 Krisiinadeva Rava, the Vijayanagar king, fixed the routes of
procession for the car festivals of Lord Varadaraja and Ekamresvara. This he did
in the presence of the stalattars and Jiyars of the Vishnu temple and the stalattars
and the Mahesvaras of the Siva temple. 74

Thus, except for such rare instances which called for the royal regulation, there
is no reference to any unhappy or hostile relationship. Kings, viceroys and officials
were given due honour and they are often mentioned in the temple inscriptions with
all their titles. Special offerings were made in honour and for the merit of the kings
and their officers. Whenever the local royal agent misbehaved, the temple-authorities
appealed to the king. Thus, in A.D. 1529 during the time of Achyutaraya, when
Vlra Narasimha or Sellappa showed partiality for the Siva Ekamresvara temple and
allotted a greater share to it and gave less than the stipulated amount of land to
Varadaraja temple, the stalattars brought this injustice to the notice of the king.
The latter, during his visit to Kanchi, redistributed the lands equally between the
two temples and ordered the documents to be re-written. 75

The royal control over the temples was greater during the Vijayanagar times
especially under Venkata. The appointment of a Sri-karya- Curantara, a manager-
general of all Vishnu temples around Kanchi by Venkata-II, is an instance of the
increasing royal control over the temples. From the koil-olugu account, it is seen
that this appointment was resented by the local stalattar of the temple, because it was
considered a sort of imposition.

The relation between the temple and the government during the days of the
English East India Company and later, will be considered at the end of this chapter.
We will now advert to the rise of the office of Sri-kdryam or manager and its impact
on the temple administration.

The rise of the Sri-karyam

The 16th century witnessed the rise of a new officer named Sri-karyam to a posi-
tion of importance in the management of the temple. Either to honour men of
outstanding abilities and services or as a check over the stalattar this post of the
manager was created. The first person to hold the post in this temple was the
redoubtable Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyangar. A record of Achyutaraya datable to
A.D. 1538 clearly mentions him as the Sri-kdryam of the temple. 76 We know from
other records that he was in charge of the feeding house Ramanuja-kuta attached to
the temple. In addition to that he was also the manager of the temple. In this case,
evidently in recognition of the services he and his predecessor had rendered to the
cause of SrI-Vaishnavism, the stalattar themselves appointed him as the manager.
They might have considered that his popularity and influence would attract greater
royal favour and benefaction to the temple.

The next person to hold the post of the Sri-kdryam was probably Alagiya-mana-
vala-Jiyar. We have already seen that these Jiyars have successively held the post of
the koyil-kelvi or the temple- superintendence. Now in addition to the old position,
Alagiya-manavaJ a- Jiyar is called the Sri-karyam of the temple in a record of Sadasiva
Raya datable to A.D. 1553. 77 In co-ordination with the stdnattar he received certain
gifts made to the temple and signed the agreement with the owner on behalf of the
temple (Arulalapperumdl kdyil stanattarum Sri-kdryam-seivdr Alagiya-manavdla-

Functionaries and History of Management 123

Jfyarum ). 78 It is worthy of note that there is not a single record in which the transac-
tion is done exclusively in the name of Sri-kdryam . Alwa>s either the stdnattar or in
some cases the Sri- Bhanddr attar are mentioned first. 79 On the contrary, there are
quite a few records in which the latter two alone figure as signatories m the transac-
tions. 80 From this, we can infer that the stdnattar were still the ultimate authorities
and the Sri-kdryam was at best a co-ordinate or executive authority.

Probably the post of Sri-kdryam continued to be in the hands of Alagiya-mana-
vala-Jiyars till the advent of the famous Ettur Kumara Tatacharya. As already point-
ed out, this Tatacharya family which was formerly in the city of the Vijayanagar and
later migrated to Chandragin along with the shift in the capital arrived in Kahcbi
roundabout A.D. 1574. 81 It was in that year we hear for the first time the Tatacha-
rya figuring in the epigraph of our temple. Owing to the great influence he wielded
with the Vijayanagar king Srlranga-I and his successor Venkata-II, he became the
Manager-General or Sri-Kdrya-Durantara of many important Vishnu temples in, and
around, Kanchi. But it should be clearly understood that each temple had its own
manager or Sri-kdryam as before and the Tatacharya was only the manager- general,
having overall supervision over them, probably on behalf of the king. He had no
direct hand in the administration which continued to be m the hands of the stdnattar .
A record of our temple dated A.D. 1588 specifically mentions the Tatacharya as one of
the two managers— the other one was Sannidi Srlramayyangar. 82 From the koil-olugu
account, we learn that his appointment was opposed by the stalattdr of our temple who
belonged to the Tenkalai sect. But the Tatacharya carried with him the Vijayanagar
royal order {olai) exhorting the stalattdr s to accept him. 83 Here, for the first time
we get clear evidence of royal interference in the internal administration of the temple.
But here too, it was marked by restraint and caution. The Tatacharya had only over-
all supervision but no direct hand in the internal administration which was still largely
in the hands of the stalattdr. The temple transactions were still registered in
the names of the stalattdr or Sri- Bhanddr attar as before. 84 The Tatacharya
effected his supervisory control through a number of agents, placed at different
temples. His agents in our temple were one Visva-pundita and another Periatirumalai-
nambi Chakkarayar 85 Similarly, he had his agents at Srlperumbudur. This again
goes to prove only his indirect hand in the temple-administration. Nevertheless, it
cannot be denied that the presence of such a strong and influential person as the
manager-general acted as a check on the power of the stdnattar. The Tatacharya
almost lived m royal splendour and could even, in one of his inscriptions, boast of
performing eleven tulabharas along with his eleven wives l 86 Whether this could have
been possible at a time when the Vijayanagar kingdom had already lost its glory as
kings Srlranga-I and Venkata-II were ruling from Chandragin over a crippled territory
threatened by hostile forces is indeed doubtful. But it would however be taken to
show the general affluent position of the Tatacharya which enabled him to do many
beneficial acts to the temple like the re-coating of the Punyakoti-vimana with gold,
the construction of the vimana over the Tayar shrine, the presentation of many vahanas
or vehicles.

History of management in the post-Vijayanagar period

With the death of Tatacharya’s patron Venkata-II in A.D. 1614 and the consequent

124 Srf VaradarCi jaswdmt Temple — Kdilchi

ci\ il war which coimiKed the kingdom, the Tatacharyas lost their position as royal
preceptors. Our inscriptions are silent about their activities. Though Ettur Kumara
Tatacharva's immediate successor figures in the epigraphs of Srlperumbudur and
Tenneri, he is not mentioned in the inscriptions of this temple. 87 Here, the stalattdr ,
strong as they were, seem to have re-asserted their power. In 1645, when Vijayana-
gar had ceased to be a power and the Golkonda army had marched into the Carnatic,
the Tatacharya famih left Kanchi for Mysore where they became the royal preceptors
of the Mysore kings. But here in Kanchi, one Darmayya of Kotrapalli, managed the
affairs of the temple m those troublous times. In recognition of his services, the
stalattdr of the temple conferred special honours and privileges on him in A.D.
1659. 88 The stalattdr mentioned in the record are : Alagia-manavala-Battar Varaday-
yangar, Annan Varadayyangar, Tiruvenkada Ayyangar, Satagopa-perumal-dasan and
the temple accountant Nallatambi Danappa. The record clearly shows that the Ten-
kalai stalattdr became once again a strong body.

The next landmark in the history of the administration of this temple was the
appointment of Raja Todarmal as the Sn-karyam or manager of the temple m 1710 by
the stalattdr in recognition of his yeoman service to the temple during a critical time
in its history. Todarmal re-conferred the right of managership on Attan Jlyar’s son
(born before he became a Jiyar) as a hereditary title. 89 Thus, the managership of
the temple was successively in the hands of this family for four generations and upto
A.D. 1792. In that year there was no eligible successor in the family as the three
heirs were still minors. One Mr. Rama Rao, a distant cousin of the female descen-
dant, took up the managership. This was the time when the members of the Tatacha-
rya family who came back from Mysore in 1711 (soon after the troublous period was
over and the restoration of the images was accomplished at Kanchi by Raja Todarmal
and Attan Jiyar) pushed forward their claims to hold the management. The Tenkalai
stalattdr resisted it with equal force. As this was causing frequent breaches of peace,
the then English Collector Mr. Balfour ordered Mr. Rama Rao not to perform the
annual Vaikasi festival unless the two parties composed their differences. But stopping
the annual festival was considered extraordinary and inauspicious and so Mr. Rama
Rao refused to comply with the orders Mr. Balfour, without going into the merits
of the dispute, took an extreme step of advising the Board of Revenue to wrest the
management from the hands of Mr. Rama Rao and handed it over to a new person.
Thus, the hereditary management of the temple by the Attan Jiyar family for more
than 80 years (from 1711-1794) was broken. But the new incumbent held the post
only for two years, from 1794-1796. Mr. Place, the immediate successor of Mr.
Balfour, found him guilty of gross mismanagement and dismissed him. This led to
the assumption of management by the Government of the East India Company directly
in 1796 which continued till 1842. 90

This was the time when the Court-of-Directors of the East India Company began
to take a greater interest in the affairs of the religious institutions. The Board of
Revenue which was established in 1789 and which was in charge of the organisation
of collection of revenue also, managed the affairs relating to religious institutions.
This was but natural as these institutions possessed properties yielding huge revenues.
The Collectors were the agents in the districts and were not only in charge of the
collection of revenue but also maintaining law and order, besides being magistrates.

Functionaries and History of Management 125

Thus, by assuming such executive and judicial responsibility, the Government con-
solidated its hold. These increased responsibilities led to the framing of the
Regulation VII of 1817 which gave legal clothing to the functions already assumed.
It defined the functions and powers of the Board of Revenue, the Collectors of the
Districts and the managerial staff or trustees of the temples. The day-to-day adminis-
tration was done by the Board of trustees or stanattar, as before. But above it, were
the Collectors who were responsible for due appropriation of endowments, for record-
ing lost properties, for informing the Board of Revenue about the number of endow-
ments and to arbitrate in the disputes. The Board of Revenue had an overall sup-
reme voice in all matters listed above. Undoubtedly, this period of administration
was on the whole beneficial to this temple and protected it from many abuses like
alienation of temple-lands etc. The ceremonies and rituals were allowed to be done
as per established customs and the Government did not interfere in the religious
practices.

Butin 1841, the Court- of-Directors of the East India Company suddenly decided
to sever all connections with the religious institutions and pursue a policy of disenga-
gement. On 12th June 1841, they ordered “immediate withdrawal of all interference
with the native temples and places of religious resort”. 91 Their object was to leave
the management of these institutions to a Committee of the people of the locality,
qualified to conduct the administration. Thus, all the leading temples like Tirupati,
Srsrangam, Kanchi were handed over to the Mahants or Dbarmakarthas or Trustees
or 'Committee of native gentlemen’ as the case may be.

In respect of the Varadarajaswami temple, applications or petitions were received
from both the Tenkalai and the Tatacharya families. Mr. Appa Rao, a lineal descen-
dant of Attan Jlyar, was also an applicant. He had stated in his application that he
should be permitted to resume the management of the temple enjoyed hereditarily by
his family for the past 80 years. Mr. Kumara Tatacharya in his petition had stated
that one of his ancestors, the famous Kotikanyadanam Tatacharya, was the royal
preceptor of the Vijayanagar kings and that he had provided numerous benefactions
to the temple and that therefore he should be appointed as the hereditary trustee. Mr.
Arthur Freeze, the then Collector, after due enquiry and consideration, recommended
that in the interests of the institution, it should be managed by a Committee of five
persons, including two Tenkalais and a member of the Tatacharya family in order to
safeguard the rights of various classes of persons who had established rights in the
temple. The Collector’s recommendations were rejected. The application of Mr.
Appa Rao, the descendant of Attan Jiyar. was also rejected. Thus, the application of
Kumara Tatacharya alone found favour with the Board of Revenue. He was appoint-
ed the trustee of Varadaraja temple in 1842.

The Tatacharya family was in enjoyment of this right for nearly 100 years from
1842 to 1941. As already stated, it was a period when the Government pursued a
policy of non-interference in the religious matters and hence, the Tatacharya trustees
enjoyed untrammelled powers. The Tenkalai Stalattars complained that the Tata-
charya trustees took a strong partisan attitude and did their maximum to unsettle the
established rights and practices of the Tenkalai service-holders and adhyapakas. What
these acts were and the reactions and results flowing therefrom, need not be detailed
here. The Tenkalais, who formed the rank and file of the service-holders, had to

126 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple — KSHchi

resort to the courts of law and vindicate every one of their rights. This was indeed
the period most fertile for litigation. There was a general dissatisfaction over the
administration even among a section of the trustees, who filed a suit for a scheme in
the District Court, Chingleput. 92 Matters went to such a head that the trustees them-
selves had to admit, in the suit, the necessity for a new scheme. This suit went upto
the High Court. 93 In the meanwhile the Tenkalais also filed a suit. 94 According to the
new scheme, the trusteeship was vested with the five Tatacharyas, one of whom was
to be an executive trustee for a year by turn. Above this, was set up a Board of
Supervision to supervise their work. Ihe Board was to consist of a Tenkalai and a
Vadakalai representative and one other member of the Smartha or Madhva group.

But this scheme of 1909 proved to be a failure in the actual working, particularly
because of the non-representation of the Tenkalais and the stalattdr in the trusteeship.
The Tenkalais challenged the hereditary character of the Tatacharya trusteeship. The
High Court of Madras in a Bench decision struck down the hereditary character of
trusteeship. 95 On the basis of this decision, the Second Scheme suit filed by the
Tenkalais was decided in 1941 and the executive management of the temple was
placed in the hands of a non-Sri- Vaishnav a to be appointed by the Hindu Religious
Endowment Board. 96 Two members of the Tatachari family were designated as
4 ‘Honorary Trustees”.

It is under this scheme that the temple is now being administered by the Hindu
Religious and Charitable Endowments Department of the Madras State through the
Executive Officer who is a non-Vaishnava full-time paid employee of the Depart-
ment. There is no doubt that the administration of the temple under this scheme
is an improvement over the previous one. But the Executive Officer has to be vigilant
and impartial in this temple, for any favour shown by him either to the Vadakalais
or Tenkalais, would result in dispute. No innovation in the procedures is tolerated
and no departures from the judicial decisions regarding the same would go unchal-
lenged in a Court of Law. Thus, the work of the Executive Officer in this temple is
delicate and difficult.

NOTES

1. S.I.I., II, 66. 17.

2. Koil-olugu, ed. by V.N. Hari Rao. 18.

3. S.I.T.I., I, 346; 451 of 1919; 584 of 1919. 19.

4. 417 of 1919. 20.

5. 493 and 481 of 1919. 21.

6. S .I.T.I., L 387, 22.

7. 443 of 1919. 23.

8. S I, 370. 24.

9. Ibid , 429. 25.

10. S.I.T.I., I, No. 396, p. 381; 451 of 1919. 26.

11. 42 of 1893. 27.

12. S.I.T.I.,1, p. 383. 28.

13. S.I.T.I., I, No. 353; No. 370 (p. 353). 29.

14. 600 of 1919 (A.D. 1540).

15. 557 of 1919. • 30.

16. 585 of 1919, VedaparSyanam Srf-Vaishnavd- 31.

lukku Dakshinai. 32.

See Chapter IV
654 of 1919.

614 of 1919.

535 of 1919.

373 of 1919.

37 of 1890,

535 of 1919.

572 of 1919.

S.I.T.I., No. 359.

See Chapter V.

572 of 1919.

585 of 1919. Also see 585 of 1919,

557 of 1919, Vinnappam-S eyyum-Brahmaner
kothu .

583 and 373 of 1919.

473 of 1919.

421 of 1919. Also see S.I.T.I. I, p. 342.

Functionaries and History of Management 127

33. SXT.I„T, No. 372, p. 355 (A.D. 1521).

34. S.I.T.I., I, p. 346.

35. Tirumalai-olugu, op. cit., p. 58.

36. S.I.T.I., I, p. 334, 374 and 584 of 1919.

37. 373 of 1919 (A.D. 1540).

38. Ibid .

39. 380 of 1919 (A.D. 1572).

40. 535 of 1919 (A.D. 1558).

41. 373 of 1919 (A.D. 1540).

42. 584 of 1919 (A.D. 1533).

43. 535 of 1919.

44. 380 of 1919.

45. 535 of 1919 (A.D. 1558), 380 of 1919 (A.D.
1572).

46. 561 of 1919; S.I.T.r., I, No. 369, p. 348.

47. 535 of 1919 (A.D. 1558).

48. 535 and 380 of 1919.

49. 380 of 1919 (A.D. 1572).

50. 430 of 1919.

51. S.I I., IV, No. 54 (dated S 1454= A.D. 1532).

52 459 of 1919. This refers to the making of
two-tiered, gold-plated, brass-lamp.

53 S I.T.I., I, No. 405, p. 392.

54. Vide Chapter VII.

55. 389 of 1919.

56. K.A.N. Sastri, Studies in Chdla Adm„ p.
102 .

57. 554 of 1919.

58. S.I.T.I., I, No. 394.

59. K.K. Plliay, The Sucindram Temple , p.
191.

60. 389 and 554 of 1919.

61. S.I.T.I., I, No. 357, 361.

62. Ibid, No. 353, 358, 369.

63. S.I.T.I., 1. No. 368.

64. S.I.T.I., No. 376.

65. Ibid, No. 389.

66. Ibid, Nos. 390, 391, 392 etc.

67. Arulalapperumal Sri Bhandarattdr IkkoiU
Tirumalisai Alvar Bhandarattukku Silasasa-
nam Pannikkoduttapadi , 658 of 1919.

68. S.I.T.I., I, No. 349, Ibid, No. 345.

69. Dr. M.V. Ramanayya, The Third Vijaya-
nagar Dynasty , op. cit. , p. 331.

70. 423 of 1919 (dated S 1609=A.D. 1687).

71. Ibid.

72. 425 of 1919.

73. S.I.T.I., I, No. 345.

74. Ibid, No. 384

75. 584 of 1919.

76. 579 of 1919.

77. 495 of 1919.

78. 526 of 1919

79. S I.T.I., I, No. 368

80. S.I.T.I., I, No. 342 and 358.

81. 383 of 1919.

82. 587 of 1919.

83. V.N. Hari Rao : Kdil-olugu, op. cit , pp.
183-385. The olugu says that with the same
order the Tatacharya went to Srirangam and
claimed certain special honours from the
temple authorities who refused to comply
with his requirements. The Nayak chieftain
of Madurai who was in charge of the Sriran-
gam by name Muthuvlrappa Nayaka inter-
ceded on Tatacharya’s behalf but in vaint
The Tenkalai Stalattar who were all-importan
in the temple considered these unprecedented
and contrary to the established practices and
threatened to resort to self-immolation if
they were forced to accept it. When the panic-
stricken Nayak inlormed Tatacharya about
it the latter said that the Tenkalai Stalattar
at Kanchi also opposed him first but later he
subdued them. He went back to Kanchi.

84. SI.TL, I, No. 368.

85. S.I.T I., I, No. 370.

86. 363 of 1919; S.I.T.I., II, p. 1358. Also see.
Fr. Heras, The Aravidu Dynasty , pp. 305-306.
for some more accounts about Tatacharya.

87. See Chapter IV for details.

88. S.I.T.I., I, No. 388.

89. See Chapter IV for details.

90. The documents filed m the temple scheme
suit— A. S. 212 of 1909 reported in MLJ-23,
p. 134.

91. Court of Directors’ Manifesto dated 12th
June 1841.

92. O.S. No. 11 of 1907.

93. A.S. 212 of 1909.

94. O.S. No. 27 of 1908.

95. CR.P. No. 1355 of 1940.

96. A.S. 175 of 1934 (High Court, Madras).

CHAPTER VII

THE TEMPLE AND SOCIETY

Attiyur is a neatly laid out village nucleating around Sri Varadarajaswami
temple. Though in later years, many portions on its west, including the areas
around the Vishnu temples of Tiruvehka and Ashtabhujaswami, were added to make
it the present bigger unit, named Vishnu-Kanchi, the original settlement probably
was confined to the four streets around the Varadarajaswami temple, besides a few
more clusters of houses on the eastern and western outskirts of the village. It is
indeed a noteworthy feature in Kanchi city even today, that all major temples are
immediately surrounded by streets, invariably occupied by the Brahmins. Thus,
while the Saiva Brahmins live in the immediate neighbourhood of Ekamresvarar and
Kamakshi temples, Sri-Vaishnava settlements are to be found around Tiruvehka,
Ashtabhujam and the Varadarajaswami temples. Communal settlements were
indeed the order of the day in the ancient and mediaeval times; only in the recent
decades some changes have occurred towards a free mixing of the communities in
the residential quarters.

Attiyur, however, was not exclusively a Brahmin village any more than
Vishnu-Kanchi is today. The Brahmin villages were usually known as the Brahma-
deyas or Chaturvedimangalams . A Brahmadeya in mediaeval South India referred to
the village where the rights of cultivation as well as supervision and control of lands
were bestowed on the Brahmin beneficiaries by the donor who wished the donees to
lead a religious life, performing the rites and ceremonies of the temple. Attiyhr is
nowhere mentioned as a Brahmadeya. Though the Sri-Vaishnava Brahmins formed a
sizable bulk of the population, there were people belonging to the other communities
who had landed property and who also had a lively interest in the temple. From the
inscriptions of the temple it is gathered that many of the non-Brahmin residents too
rendered numerous services m the temple. The Vella] a residents looked after the
temple lands and cultivation; the Vaisyas who were engaged in trade, small and big,
have made enormous endowments for the offerings in the temple; the Dasa-nambis
were in charge of the flower-gardens of the temple; the manradis or the shepherd-class
maintained the cattle donated to the temple and supplied ghee, butter, curd etc., to
the temple. Besides these, there were many professional and artisan classes like the
stone-masons, carpenters, metal-workers, umbrella-makers, pipers, musicians, dancers
who lived at Attiyur and served in the temple. In fact, from the inscriptions of the
temple we get a representative cross-section of the general population of the village.

Sri-Vaishnava residents

It is needless to say that the day-to-day life of the Sri-Vaishnava Brahmin was
intimately associated with the temple. Especially after the impact of teachings of

130 Sri Varadard jaswdmi Temple— Kaiichi

Ramanuja, the importance of the temple and service to the deity housed therein,
assumed new dimensions. The emphasis that he and the achdryas who followed him,
laid on the archa-foxm or idol-manifestation and the value of kainkarya (bodily-service)
to God in the temple, every Srx-Vaishnava deemed it his duty and honour to do one
kind of service or the other to the temple. As already shown in a previous chapter,
the SrI-Vaishnava Brahmins were engaged as priests in various shrines of the temple,
in reciting the sacred hymns in front of the deity, some in assisting the priests, some
in bringing water for the oblutions, some in cooking the food for consecration. In
short, at least one male adult of every Sri-Vaishnava house did some service in the
temple. This was so in many villages of Tamilnad until recent times, when the
other avenues of employment and the urbanisation had opened up new vistas. Even
now many Sri-Vaishnava Brahmins who had to leave Kaiichi seeking employ-
ment in other cities, make it a point to be present m Kanchi during the annual and
other important festivals and take pleasure in rendering some voluntary service to
the temple. The importance given to the conception of personal God imparts a
spirit of local patriotism and Lord Varadaraja, for a Sri-Vaishnava resident of
Kanchi, is unsurpassable in beauty and compassion.

The Sri-Vaishnava community is composed of two sects - the Tenkalai and the
Vadakalai. The former are greater in number and are to be found in the north,
south and the east -mdda streets around the temple. Leaders of the Tenkalai sect
like Alagia-Manavala Jiyar and Prativati Bhayankaram Annangaracharya, have their
residence here. The majority of the Vadakalai residents are found in the Western
Sannidhi street, the Anaikatti street and a few on the south mdda street (vide Map II).
The members of the Tatacharya family, the leaders of the Vadakalai community have
their residence in the Western Sannidhi street, though many Tenkalai families like
the Kandadai, Anantampillai etc., are also living here side by side. From the
inscriptions we know that the famous Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyan had his residence
as well as his Rdmanuja-kuta in this street. The V anamamalai-m # //z# belonging to the
Tenkalais is also situated here.

As already pointed out, in the earlier days, when the doctrinal differences between
the two schools were confined only to the academic level, there were no social
restrictions between the two communities. But in later years, when the difference
pervaded to matters of social observances, daily domestic rituals, and other quasi-
religious practices, the division widened, making it difficult for the families of the
two groups to come together into intimate social relations. 1 Even inter-marriage
among them is somewhat rare. Perhaps, nowhere else in the Tamil country, with
the exception of Srirangam and Kumbakonam, the Sri-Vaishnava Brahmins are so
sect-conscious as they are at Kanchi. This place which was the centre of culture and
learning has in the past two centuries become one of the worst battle-grounds of
sectarian disputes centring round Sri Varadarajaswami temple and the scramble for
control thereof. Very often, the annual festivals were marred by unseemly clashes,
inviting strict police control and vigilance. In 1879 Crole, the author of the Chingle-
put District Gazetteer wrote :

‘‘Their (the Vadakala i -Tenkalai) disputes are even now carried on with much rancour and

have frequently, in regard to the Varadaraja temple especially, occupied the attention of

both the civil and criminal courts. The rival parties have, however, become chary of

The Temple and Society 131

putting themselves within the clutches of the Penal Code and their energies are now, as a

general rule, expended in civil suits .” 2

Even during these nearly 95 years since Crole wrote this, the position has not
materially improved. The civil cases have increased enormously. But the first half
of the present century was marked by the appearance of a series of firm court
decisions, mostly in favour of the Tenkalai cause, which have somewhat quenched the
sectarian rivalry. Moreover, the members of the younger generation in both the
sects, on whom the impact of the ritualistic approach has considerably loosened,
look at the problem more rationally and have no interest to display the sectarian
fervour.

Family groups among the Sri-Vaishnava Brahmins

Among the Sri-Vaishnava Brahmins of both the sects there are many family groups
at Kanchi. Some of the old and well-known families who are residing in the streets
around Varadaraja temple are : the Prativati-Bhayankaram family, one of whom en-
joys the tirtham rights m the temple; the Chakravartiar, evidently descendants of the
famous Nallan Chakravarti, who resided at Kanchi during the time of Ramanuja;
Kandadai family, descendants of Mudaliandan a close associate of Ramanuja; Tiru-
malai Anantam Pillai family, descendants of Anantalvar, Ramanuja’s contemporary
at Tirumalai; Vinjamur family, who are the descendants of Arulalapperumal Emberu-
manar, a chief disciple of Ramanuja; Gomadattar family, one of whose members en-
joys the tirtham rights in the temple. On the Vadakalai side are : the Tatacharya
family, whose members are the descendants of Sri Sailapurnar or Tirumalai Nambi,
Ramanuja’s uncle; Nadadur family, descendants of Nadadur Ammal etc. In short,
representatives of many of the seventyfour acharya-purusha families are settled down
here, as in other important Sri-Vaishnava centres like Srirangam and Tirumalai.
While they did great service in the propagation of the ideals of SrI-Vaishnavism and a
large number of disciples among the lower classes, a certain amount of competition
for royal patronage, temple-rights ensued. Moreover, the conception of the acharya-
purusha cultivated in course of time, narrow loyalties, each member giving pride of
place and importance to his own family preceptor— all these worked to the detriment
of the solidarity of the Sri-Vaishnava fold with certain obvious repercussion on social
life.

Endowments to the Brahmins

Brahmins were respected for their learning and religious life. Numerous were the
endowments made in their honour and maintenance. During the time of Kulot-
tunga-I, a tax-free gift of land was made to a matha inside the temple for feeding
the Brahmins well-versed in the sacred lore. 3 A Chola record of later date registers
a grant of 17f veils of land to 58 Sri-Vaishnava Brahmins for reciting the sacred
Tamil hymns. 4 Similar gifts to Brahmins are recorded in the reigns of Kulottunga-II,
Rajaraja-III and subsequent times.

Sattada Sri-Vaishnavas and Other Classes

There were a number of non-Brahmin Sri-Vaishnava inhabitants at Attiyur as in
other Vaishnava centres like Srirangam and Sriperumbudur. They are commonly re-

132 Sri VaradarSjaswSmi Temple— Kafichi

ferred to as Sattada Sri-Vaishnavas both in inscriptions and literature. They were
called so because they did not wear the sacred thread ( yajnopavita ), while the Brah-
mins who wore it were called Sattina-SrT- Vaishnavas. But often they were denoted
by the common name Koil-Sn- Vaishnavas. One of the major reforms made by Rama-
nuja was that within the framework of the Hindu Varnasrama-dharma or caste-code,
he liberalised the tenets and made them more acceptable to the common folk. The
famous episodes in Ramanuja’s life, like his voluntary acceptance of discipleship
under the non-Brahmin teacher Tirukkachi-nambi, his close companionship with
Piljai Urangavilli dasar, his propagation of the closely-guarded sacred mulamantra
from the top of the temple-tower to all castes at Tirukkottiyur were certainly revolu-
tionary for his times and did much to popularise his creed among the lowly. He gave
the latter a definite place in the Sri-Vaishnava fold by encouraging them to wear the
urdhva-pundra , to dress themselves like the Brahmin Sri-Vaishnava (with panchakacha
lower garments etc.), and to recite and study the Tamil prahhandams of the Alvars. He
gave them important duties in the Srirangam temple, which are followed to this day.
He even went to the extent of admitting the pahchamas or the outcastes into
the Vishnu temple at Melkote — a remarkably bold act for his age. The steps under-
taken by him to uplift the lower castes succeeded to a large extent in the strictly re-
ligious sphere but failed in the social sphere, for the steel frame of the caste system
re-asserted itself. Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that the most distinguishing
feature of Sri-Vaishnavism was its catholicity and democratic basis. Particularly,
the acharyas of the Tenkalai school like Pillai Lokacharya championed the cause of
the Tamil language and the Tamil sacred hymns and asserted again and again that
for the true prapanna , caste restrictions did not matter. It can almost be said that the
Tenkalai represented the anti-caste tendencies while the Vadakalai school championed
the cause of purity of the VSdic tenets. In fact, even the many episodes, cited
above, depicting Ramanuja as a friend of the lower classes, are considered by the
Vadakalai school to be the creations of the Tenkalai school. 5 The Vadakalai school
was scrupulous in following even the form and the ritual aspects of religion. But the
Tenkalais held that prapatti or surrender would render all this superfluous. Prapatti ,
according to them, can be done by all persons irrespective of caste, community or
status. They were even ‘liberal enough to think the spiritual knowledge could be ob-
tained through a teacher of the lower order, while the Vadakalais opposed such notion’. 6

From the koil-olugu account, we know that at Srirangam, Ramanuja employed a
number of the Sattada-Vaishnavas to do various services in the temple for which they
were paid regular emoluments in kind and cash. In the inscriptions of our temple
also there are a number of references to the share in the prasadam allotted to the
Sattada-Sri-Vaishnavas. Later, during the time of Saluva Narasimha (15th century)
Kandadai Ramanuja-ayyan, a Sattada-Sri-Vaishnava, wielded great influence over
the rulers of the land and the authorities of the temples of Tirupati, Srirangam and
Kafichi. He had numerous Sattada- Sri-Vaishnava disciples in all the centres and he
was chiefly responsible for providing many facilities and privileges in the temples.
At Tirupati and Srirangam, they undertook to supply incense, spices, perfumery for
the daily bath of the deities and in consideration of these and similar services that
they were granted a share of the consecrated food daily and on special occasions. They
seem to have performed similar duties in our temple.

The Temple and Society 133

Vaisyas

There seems to have been a sizable number of the Vaisyas who were mostly
tradesmen. They are called the Settiars or nag ar attar in Tamilnad. There is a
separate Chetti- street in Vishnu-Kaiichi. Reputed as principal merchants, they had
business connection in different parts of South India. They had mercantile guilds of
their own which traded with foreign countries also. Members of this community
both from Kanchi and outside have lavished endowments for the various offerings to
Alvars and Acharyas in the temple. Probably, they were responsible for constructing
a separate temple for Tirukkachi-nambi who was a distinguished member of this
community. In fact the earliest epigraph in this temple dated A.D. 1050 records a
gift of an ear-ornament and sheep given by a lady-member of this community. Her
name was Setti-Rajamanikkattar alias Vlranulambhadeviyar, daughter of one Ayyan-
Settiar. 7 Another record dated 22nd year of Rajaraja III mentions the gift of 33
cattle for a lamp by Purusha-mamkkasetti. 8 In A.D. 1532, one Konappa Settiar of
Vannikha-gotra donated 100 pon to provide certain sacred offerings. 9 In A.D. 1535,
one Narayana Settiar of Nedunkunra-gotra gave 530 gold coins to the temple and
stipulated that the interest accruing from it was to be utilised for various
festivals of Alvars and offerings to Lord Varadaraja when His processional image was
stopped in front of Tirukkachi-nambi temple. He also provided for keeping a
permanent lamp at the same temple. 10

From the two epigraphs of the time of Gandagopala dated A.D. 1241, we learn
that the oil-merchants, who also belong to a section of the Settiar-community, lived in
a street named Mummudi Chola-per under u and another section of the merchants lived
in the street named Kuraivaniapperunderu. 11 A record of 11th century A.D. found
at Pandavaperumal temple at Kanchi registers a gift to the temple by a leading
merchant named Peruvanian Devan Erinjodi alias Perarulala-dasan residing at the
great street of Arumolidevan at Kanchi. The name Arulala-dasan indicates that he
was a great devotee of Arulalaperumal. 12

Dasa-nambis

They were an important class of Sattada Sri-Vaishnavas. They looked after the
gardens of the temple and were responsible for the supply of garlands and flowers to
the temple regularly ( Tirunandavanam-eduthu-tirumalai-sattum ). 13 They were also
called Pundankadasas or tata-nambis. A number of Chola epigraphs refer to them as
Tirunandavanakkudi i.e., those attached to the gardens of the temple. 14 They had a
respectable place in the temple and were known for their dedicated service. Often
they were exempted from paying taxes for the lands under their cultivation. 15 From
a Chola record of A.D. 1245 we learn that there was a head or a leader for this class
and his name was Peria-Perumal-dasan. 16 Many of their personal names bear that
they were after the presiding deity of our temple such as : —

Devapperumal Tatan 17
Uttaravedi Alagiyar 18
Garuden-mel-Alagiyar 19
Alagiya-Perumal Tatan. 20

134 Sri VaradarQjas w&mi Temple — K Shchi

Manradis

The cowherds or the manradis formed an important section of the population
whose services were essential. Even in the early Tamil literature, there are references
to their settlements which were called the ayarpadi. In the inscriptions of mediaeval
times their services to the temple are often mentioned. They had a long tradition of
tending cattle and supplying milk, ghee, curd and other milk-products to the residents
of the villages and towns. The families of the cowherds today have their quarters on
the eastern and southern fringes of Vishnu-Kanchi. Some of the earlier as well as the
later inscriptions of our temple refer to the numerous gifts of sheep, cows, buffaloes
for the supply of curd and ghee to the temple. 21 Such gifts were entrusted to the
cowherds referred to by their generic names — manradis or konars who received them
and agreed to supply a certain quantity of ghee or milk to the temple for the daily
abhisheka and oblutions. A record datable to A.D. 1242 clearly mentions that the
shepherds who received the gift of 1 1 5 sheep on behalf of the temple agreed to the
condition that ghee and curd should be brought by them daily to the temple kitchen,
measured with the temple-measure and supplied to the temple. 22 Another record
gives us an interesting list of the different categories of cattle gifted to the temple.
The cowherds to whom the cattle were entrusted agreed to supply one ulakku of ghee
and one ndli of curd every day as well as on certain special festival days “as long as
the sun and moon last”. 23

The intention of the donor m donating the different categories of the cattle was
not merely to supply ghee or curd but also to foster and cultivate the cattle-popula-
tion, which was necessary for the prosperity of the rural-economy. The temple, as
the largest consumer of milk and ghee, encouraged the cattle-raising and dairy
farming by having a large contingent of cowherds or manradis to protect the
cattle.

Some of the personal names of the cowherds found in the inscriptions are interest-
ing. They show that they were followers of Vaishnavism. Generally, the cowherds
were and continue to be Vaishnavas, as their favourite deity, Krishna, was himself a
cowherd. The names are :

Alvar-kdn

Perumal-kon

Damodara-kon

Tiruvattiyur-kon

V aram-taram-Perumal-kon

Perarulalan-kon. 24

While all the names have the unmistakable Vaishnava character, the last two are
after the deity of our temple.

One of the interesting records of our temple informs us about the privilege of
free grazing allowed to the temple cows. We are told that the cows and sheep be-
longing to this temple might freely graze on certain lands in a large number of villages
in the Tondaimandalam whose names are enumerated and that no tax would be
levied on them by the owner. 25

Other than these Vellalas, Vaisyas, Manradis and the Dasa-nambis, there were at
Attiyur people belonging to various artisan classes like goldsmiths, blacksmiths, car-

The Temple and Society 135

penters, stone-masons and sculptors about whom references were already made in the
previous chapter.

Women

The position of women in the mediaeval South India was generally subordinate to
that of men. Essentially concerned with the household duties, they were necessarily ex-
cluded from taking any prominent part in other activities. Even the women of the
Brahmin class, though they shared some of the religious duties of their husbands,
were debarred from the Brahma-vidya or the Vedantic studies. They could not wear
the sacred thread which alone initiated one into the vedic knowledge. The study of
the epics, the purdnas and other texts was open to them, but not the Vedas. The
Srf-Vaishnava women of the Tamil country have, however, evinced much interest in
the study of the Divya-prabhandams of the Alvars and the commentaries thereon.
Many ladies know the Tamil hymns by heart, even though they do not recite them
along with the male reciters. The ladies usually stand in a separate group during the
temple service. Generally in all the temples of South India, the consecrated water
and food would be distributed to them only after they are done to the men. All these
clearly indicate the secondary or subordinate place given to them, though they were
considered the ornaments of the house.

The inscriptions of this temple, however, give us the interesting information that
ladies also took part in the chorus-singing in front of the deity. Thus, a record of the
13th century registers a special endowment by the Telugu-Choda chieftain Gandago-
pala for the maintenance of the female chorists ( Perumal mun padum pendugal Nimi -
thathu ). 26 Another record datable to A.D. 1535 specifies a certain share in the holy
food for the ladies who took part in the group-singing in front of the deity ( Tiruvola -
kkam Sevitha pengal ). 27 But this practice is no longer observed now in the temple.
The ladies are simply the spectators, while all the recital is done by men.

There are also quite a few other services which the ladies seem to have been doing
in the temple. Duties like cleaning the premises, drawing kolam or designs (in white
rice-powder), cleaning of the cooked vessels, husking the paddy, cutting the vegetables
and other sundry works are even today done by them, some of them voluntarily, and
some for an honorarium. That the ladies had property of their own is known
from a few gifts made by them to our temple. Thus, one of the handmaids ( again -
badipendu) of the Telugu-Choda chieftain Gandagopala donated some cattle for a per-
petual lamp to the temple. 28

Female ascetics

The life of the ascetic strongly appealed to the imagination of the Hindus and the
ladies were no exception to this. Though Vaishnavism was, on the whole, moderate
in its devotion to the ascetic ideal, we do get many instances of ladies renouncing their
wealth and taking to the ascetic life. Such female Yaishnava mendicants were known
as Korrts. They used to wear the basil garlands and other religious marks. There
were a few such korri among Ramanuja’s disciples. In the 13th century, a lady by
name Perarulalan-korri made a will that 100 kulj of land purchased by selling her
jewels should go to the temple after her demise. 29 Another lady-mendicant by name
Tiruvattiyur-ftor.n donated cattle for a lamp in the temple. 30

136 Sri Varadarajasw&mi Temple— Kdfichi

Courtesans

Like many leading temples of South India, the Varadarajaswami temple had this
unique class of lady servants who were called the Devaradiyal and were dedicated
to the temple service. They were also called the Devadasis. Their mam duties were
to sing and dance in front of God at specified time daily and accompany the deity m
procession. Their public appearances were usually associated with religious festivals
and they were generally experts in music and dance. We do not know when they
were first appointed m our temple; but they are met with for the first time in a record
datable to A.D. 1558. It records a share in the prasadam for Thivadiydl , a corrupt
form of the word Devaradiyal. 31

Originally instituted with the pious intention of providing dance and music to the
deities in the same way the kings were provided, this class of women later on became
the symbols of cultured ease and pleasure. From the epigraphs of the Chola times,
we know that they had a respectable place in the society and even rich people dedi-
cated their daughters to the service of God. But in the Yijayanagar and subsequent
times, deterioration seems to have set in in their moral standards which drew adverse
remarks from many foreign visitors living m India. Emmanuel de Veiga, a Jesuit who
witnessed a festival at Tiruvarur m the Tamil country, recorded that there were 30
women dancers going before the deity and observed : “They may not marry but pros-
titute themselves for the most part, all goodly and richly arrayed and carrying lamp
burning”. 32 We do not know how far this characterisation is correct. Probably it is a
superfluous generalisation; but there is no doubt that the Devadasi system as a whole
came to be considered “an undesirable institution which has outlived its time”.
Accordingly, it was abolished by an act of legislation in the beginning of the present
century. Until this date, the Devadasis were in employment in our temple, enjoying
landed property and steady remuneration in cash and kind.

Temple as a patron of music and arts

Whatever might have been the defects of the Devadasi- system, it cannot be gain-
said that the Devadiyars were good exponens of dance and music who did much to
preserve the traditional dance forms for generations. The temple was the greatest
single agent which extended patronage to them and utilised their services during fes-
tive occasions.

There were also musicians in our temple who are referred to as the Vidwans or the
artistes in an epigraph dated A.D. 1558. 33 Probably, during the festivals, they
rendered classical songs in front of the deity. The Vidwans included the nadaswara -
vidwans or pipers who are essential to the temple. Playing on the nadaswaram with
its accompaniments is considered to be specially auspicious and so it is played in the
temple during the early morning service and other services. The artistes considered
it a privilege and honour to sing in front of the deity.

Similarly, architecture, sculpture, painting, bronze- casting and other arts received
encouragement in our temple. The presence of the numerous shrines, mandapas and
the magnificent gopuras should have given to stone and stucco workers, stapatis and
silpis ample scope for the exercise of their artistic talents and ingenuity. Today, the
temple stands as a monument to the labour and the skill of the countless artisans and

The Temple and Society 137

aitists who have worked there for generations to enlarge and embellish their house
of God.

Temple as a centre of learning

This temple was also a centre of learning and education. In it were situated a
various times mathas or monasteries which served as seminaries and schools. Thus,
in the time of Kulottunga-I, there was a matha named Arikesavan -matha situated on
the bank of the sacred tank of the temple. 34 It was the place where the Brahmins
versed in the sacred lore congregated for discussion and recital. It was presided over by
one Mahamuni (the great sage) of Peria-koil. The inhabitants of the nearby village
granted lands free of taxes for feeding the Brahmins who studied in the matha.

Another interesting record datable to A.D. 1359 informs us about another monas-
tery at Kanchi presided over by Yaishnavadasa alias Brahmatantra Svatantra. 35 The
main aim of the matha was to propagate the tenets of Rdmdnuja-darsana to the
Vaishnava laity. From the record we gather that this matha had a good collection of
books evidently in the form of manuscripts made by Yaishnavadasa and other accesso-
ries of a library. The accessories probably included racks, spare sets of cadjan leaves
for copying work and other scribal apparatus (z van fedina postakankalum idukku
vendum upakaranangalum ). 36 The pontiff of this matha , Brahmatantra Svatantra, was
a profound scholar and disciple of Vedanta Desika and his son Naina Varadacharya
and as such his matha should have been a great centre of philosophical and literare
studies.

At about the same time, there was in the Varadarajaswami temple another matha
named the Veda-matha which was presided over by a certain Yedandrasagara Sripda
and which probably specialised in the teaching of the Vedas. This matha was proba-
bly patronised by the Madhvas who were also Vaishnavas, but not followers of Rama-
nuja. They were the followers of Madhvacharya, the founder of the Dvaita school.
From subsequent records of the temple we learn, that several leaders of the Dvaita
school like Vyasatxrtha and Satya Vijaya Tirtha had evinced interest in this temple.
The former who is considered the second founder of this school was held in high
respect by contemporary king Krishnadeva Raya. An epigraph of our temple
datable to A.D. 1511 records that the Madhvaguru presented a village and the ser-
pent-vehicle to the Varadaraja temple and instituted a festival in honour of king
Krishnadeva Raya. 37 Another record dated § 1649 (A.D. 1726) mentions that
another Madhvaguru of Uttaradimatka by name Satyavijaya Tirtha was honoured in
the temple with certain privileges 38

Another matha that was attached to the temple was the AJagiya-Manavala-JIyar
matha. The Jiyars of this matha held important positions in this temple and they were
outstanding scholars of the times. One of them is specially eulogised in a 16th century
record as the ornament of Kanchi and well versed in the Sanskrit and Tamil lo r e
( Ubhayaveddnta ). 39 The pontiffs of this matha were greatly honoured by the succes-
sive kings of Mysore in the 17th and 18th centuries. This .is attested by several
inscriptions. 40 The Alagiya-manavala-JIyar matha is still there at Kanchi and conti-
nues to be a centre of religious and philosophical studies.

138 Sri Varadar&jasw&mi Temple—Kaflcht

Temple as an agent of poor-relief

Feeding the poor and the deserving persons on the occasion of feasts and
festivals, marriages and other ceremonies was considered an act of piety. The need
for a rest-house for the tra\ellers and visitors from outside in a pilgrim centre like
Kanchi is quite obvious. Even now such feeding ( Tartar adanai ) is done in private
homes or through the agency of public institutions such as mathas like the Vanama-
malai and Ahobila matha. But an important institution that admirably served as the
rest-house with board and lodging facilities was the Ramanuja-kuta. In earlier days
the temple itself served as the agency to carry on the charity on account of the
sanctity attached to it. It was easy for arranging to distribute a portion of the offered
food freely among the devotees and the desantaris (visitors from outside the place) and
also the local people who took part in some service.

But, towards the end of the 15th century A.D., thanks to the dynamic leadership
of Sajuva Narasimha and Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyan, an important institution called
Ramanuja-kuta was established in many important Srl-Vaishnava centres like Tirupati,
Kanchi, Srlrangam, Sriperumbudur. At Tirumalai, it is explicitly stated that the
Ramanuja-kuta was "situated in the Sannidhi Street and it was under the management
of Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyangar. Here in Kanchi also, it was situated in the Sanni-
dhi Street under the management of the same person, who, as we have seen earlier,
was put in charge of such feeding houses all over South India by the Vijayanagar
king.

The keen interest evinced for patronising the Ramanuja-kuta by a number of
devotees and the popularity gamed for it through Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyangar
and his successors are evidenced by the provisions made by these devotees individually
for the delivery of the donor’s share in each case of the offered food for the Ramanuja-
kuta. In all cases of food-offerings made to the temple, Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyangar
gave away his share to the Ramanuja-kuta. All these and the royal grants sustained
this free feeding house which did a useful social service. The institution of the
Ramanuja-kuta is found even today in many pilgrim centres like Triplicane,
Sriperumbudur, Srivilliputtur, but strangely it is no longer functioning at Kanchi.
The residents of the Sanmdhi-street in front of the Varadaraja temple are not able to
even guess where the Ramanuja-kuta was situated !

We have so far seen the pivotal role played by this temple in the social and
cultural life of the people of the locality. We will now review the activities of the
temple in the economic sphere as well.

The temple as a land-owner

Agriculture was the basic industry on which the vast majority of the population
depended for livelihood. The temple as the biggest land-owner filled a large place in
the agricultural economy of the locality. Right from the Chola times, this temple
had considerable landed property. Both royal benefaction and public patronage took
the form of land-grants. The royal grants were of two kinds, one the Sarvamdnya ,
whereby the entire village with proprietory rights over lands was given to the
temple and the second type specified that all taxes, payable by a village to the

The Temple and Society 139

Government, were to be collected and enjoyed by the temple. The former category
was also called Devadanam or Tiruvidaiyattam. Epigraphs of this temple were replete
with instances of gifts of both the types and it is needless to catalogue all of them.
From one of the records we learn that the Tiruvidaiyattam lands of our temple were
marked with stones bearing the Vishnu symbol of discus ( Ndngellaikalihtm tiruvdlj -
kalnatti)} 1 A number of villages in the neighbourhood of Kanchi and elsewhere
figure in the inscriptions as having been gifted to the temple. To cite only a few
examples, Nilagangarayan, an officer under Kulottunga-III, gifted the village of
Arpakkam to the temple to meet the expenses with the daily offerings in the temple.
A part of the village belonging to the temple was designated as Peria-Perumal-
Vilagam— the first name Periaperum a l referring to Lord Varadaraja. 42 Telugu-Choda
chieftains like Madurantaka Pottapi Manmusiddha and Vijayagandagopala gave away
a number of villages like Paiyanur, Mavandur, Vayalaiyarru and Puduchcheri. 43
They also made tax-free gifts of lands. 44 Gifts of villages and lands greatly increased
during the Vijayanagar times. Achyutaraya donated the revenues of 14 villages
sometime in A.D. 1529 for a big special offering in the temple. 45 Subsequently, in
the same reign, several villages like Uttirasolai in Damalkottam, Tirumukkudal (in
Kalattur-kottam) were assigned to the temple. 46 Similarly, gifts of villages are
recorded in the inscriptions of later kings like Sadasiva, Sriranga and Venkata. 47 In §
1562 (A.D. 1640) four villages— Nedungal, Karumbakkam, Nambakkamand Surithil —
were granted to the temple. 48 Even lands or villages in distant provinces like the
Chola and Pandyan countries, Andhra, Orissa and Mysore areas were granted to the
temple. 49 Thus, roundabout A.D. 1230 Somaladevi Mahadevi, the queen of the
Kalmga (Orissa) king Anangabhlma-M, granted a village Udaiyakamam in the
Antarudravishya m the Orissa region. 50 In A.D. 1724, the Mysore king Krishnaraja
Odayar granted a village comprising of 12 hamlets in north Mysore region to the
temple. 51 But unfortunately, no accurate record is available for the total landed
property of the temple or total yield accruing to the temple, in the mediaeval times
or later. However, from the inscriptions, some of which were cited above, it is seen
that the landed property increased considerably during the Vijayanagar times. Today
the temple has wet and dry lands to the extent of about 275 acres in 12 villages which
are under lease cultivation.

Gardens of the temple

Very interesting information is available about a number of gardens that were
gifted to this temple in answer to the constant need for flowers and fruits for the
daily worship, as well as during festivals.

Naralokavira, the renowned general of Kulottunga-I, laid out a flower-garden
(Pushpavanam) in which all the varieties of flowers were collected and donated for
Lord Varadaraja. 52 Another record datable to A.D. 1316, however, gives interesting
information regarding the flower-garden donated by the Kakatiya king Prataparudra-
deva. 53 He provided 240 mddai (gold coin) per year for the maintenance of a garden
wherein the temple-garlands, fruits and vegetables for offerings should be grown.
He constructed four lotus-tanks for the supply of water and appointed 20 gardeners
for the maintenance of the garden. The names of the trees and plants grown in the

140 Sri Varadar&jas wdm i Temple —K&ilchi

garden were :

Indian chrysanthamum (Javandhi)

Oleander (alari)

Large flowered jasmine (sadi)

Chempak (Champaka)

Mangoes

Pomegranate (Madulai)

Coconuts

Lemon and orange.

Cultivation of temple-lands

How could the temple authorities manage the agricultural operations in the
lands distributed in so many villages, far and near ? Obviously, they could not do all
of them directly. Both direct cultivation of temple-lands by the agents of the temple
and the system of leasing them to the tenants seem to have prevailed. In the former
case, the supervision was done by certain local agents appointed by the temple
who took every precaution during the cultivation and the harvest and saw to
it that after paying all the wages and other dues to the farmers, the produce
was brought to the temple. The procedure was that paddy or any other cultivated
grain should be brought to the precincts of the temple and measured in the proper
manner in the temple-measure. This procedure is stipulated in an epigraph dated A.D.
1259. 54 The agents were either appointed by the temple or by the donors. An interest-
ing record of the 1 3th century informs us that when lands in nine villages were donated
by an individual to the temple, the provision to appoint supervisors or Kankanippar in
each village to look after the cultivation on behalf of the temple for which they were
paid a remuneration of one padakku of paddy per day was given. Another officer
named Ardindu-nirppan was appointed to supervise the work of the Kankanippar s. 65
In this type of direct cultivation the labourers or peasants were paid daily wages in
cash or kind and the entire proceeds went to the temple.

The system of lease also prevailed side by side. This would entitle the temple
for the melvdram or owner’s share of the produce which was usually 3/4, while 1/4
would belong to the tenant. This was the owner-cultivator ratio that obtained here
even in A.D. 1535 as attested by a record of that date. 56 But the same record in-
forms us that during a severe drought, the temple’s share was reduced to two thirds,
instead of three fourths in the case of areca, coconut and mango cultivation. In the
case of sesamum, green-gram and sugar-cane, the rates obtaining in the adjacent
villages were adopted. In the case of betel, plantain and other quick-yielding crops
reared side by side in the newly planted areca and coconut groves, the melvdram
was fixed at the older rate of 3/4. This might show that the temple-authorities
showed due consideration for the drought conditions and other difficulties of the ryots
by giving adequate concessions.

Reclamation of waste lands

One of the greatest services rendered by the temples was in the field of reclamation
of waste lands by bringing them under cultivation. For private individuals, it would

The Temple and Society 141

have been a formidable task but a wealthy institution like this temple, with its men
and money, could easily do this. Thus, in about A.D. 1467, the two pieces of lands
at Tepperumajnallur which remained uncultivated on account of their non-irrigable
high level were purchased as Ulamkkani by the treasury of the Tirumajisai-llvar
shrine in our temple and brought under cultivation and then leased for 200 panam of
gold per year. 57

Ulavukkdni was the system of lease by which the lessee was given a permanent
lease and authorised to reclaim a waste-land and grow the crops either wet or dry. He
could enjoy all the produce but only pay certain taxes in gold or grain. 58 This
gave the necessary incentive to the cultivator to work hard and reclaim a waste
piece of land.

Irrigation facilities for temple lands and tanks

Apart from the seasonal rains on which the cultivation mainly depended, irriga-
tion by tanks, canals and wells was prevalent. Lands near the Palar or the Vega-
vat i rivers received supply from the canals dug from them. Wells served a useful
purpose. A record dated A D. 1487, informs us that a Vijayanagar chieftain Viru-
paksha Dannayaka made arrangements for digging an irrigation channel m the tem-
ple lands and planted groves all around them. 59

In about 1723, a water-supply project was undertaken and completed. One Rayar
Sitakonnirayar, a deputy of the Nawab of the Carnatic, Sadat-Ulla-Khan, dug an
underground aqueduct from a large tank named Sarvatlrtham to the tank inside the
Varadarajaswami temple. The former is at the north-western end of Kahchi town
while the latter is at the southern end at a distance of about 3 miles. Provision
was made to catch up the spring water percolating from the river-bed to feed many of
the tanks with which Kahchipuram is dotted. Traces of this ruined aqueduct are still
seen here and there. 60 Crole who served as the Collector of Chingleput District in
mid- 19th century has paid a handsome tribute to the irrigation system of Vijayanagar
days, traces of which he saw at many places. He says :

“Many of them (irrigation works) now abandoned or in ruins, evinced the solicitude of
those ancient monarchs for the extension of cultivation even in tracts not favoured by
natural position or good soil. Almost every catchment basin, however small, still bears
traces of having been bunded across and m many cases this was done in order to secure a
few acres of stony ungenerous soil, to which all the fostering care of the British adminis-
tration has failed to induce cultivation .” 61

Land-measures

The land-units mentioned in our epigraphs are the kuli, kani, ma and veli. Hun-
dred kulis of land went to make one ma and 20 of the latter went to make one veli
which was the largest unit of measure. In other words, 2000 kulis went to make one
veli. 62 The area fixed by each of them was not permanently or uniformly fixed but
varied according to the length of the measuring rod used. The length of the rod (kol)
used is known from such expressions like the sixteen-foot-rod (padinaradi-kol), twelve-
foot-rod ( panniradi-kol ). The latter rod was used for reckoning the lands of this
temple both in the Chela and the Vijayanagar days. The earliest mention of this 12-

142 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple — KSHchi

foot-rod in this temple occurs in an epigraph of Vikrama Chola dated A.D. 11 30. 63
Subsequently, it is mentioned as the standard measuring rod of the temple. In A.D.
1261, a new name occurs viz., Nadu-alakkum-koL u This need not be taken as a new
type of measuring rod. The phrase simply means land-measuring rod and it is likely
that it might refer to the already existing 12-foot-rod. In a 14th century record, the
measuring rod was named Gcmdaragandan-koL Probably, this was current in nor-
thern Tondaimandalam area, as attested by an inscription dated A.D. 1390 from Tiru-
ppalaivanam and another at Tiruppalakkuli in Chingleput District. 65 It is very inte-
resting to see that this rod is carved to its full length with its denominations on the
wall of the abhisheka-mandapa of this temple. By the side of the rod, the label Ganda -
rcigandan-kdl is carved. Perhaps this served as the correct standard length to be re-
ferred to in case of any doubt or controversy.

Scholars have pointed out that the absence of a common measuring rod for the
whole empire, both Chola and Vijayanagar, was the cause of great difficulty felt by the
Government in fixing a uniform rate of assessment on land. 66 Under the British rule
certain common measures like the C cent’ the smallest unit and ‘acre’ the largest
(measuring 100 cents) came to prevail.

Land price

We get a few scrappy information regarding the prices of land. In A.D. 1073,
during the time of Kulottunga-I, a village-assembly sold 3 velis of land to our
temple for 30 kdsus which was equivalent to the value of 30 port of gold. 67 Probab-
ly, in circa A.D. 1254 the land-price went down considerably for it is reported that
7J velis of land was purchased for only 25 pon , 68

Grain-measure

The grain-measures that were in vogue in the temple at various times
were the kalam , 69 marakkal , 70 kuruni 11 and nalid 2. These were of course prevalent in
other parts of Tamilnad as well, but there were often local variations. From a record
from Thanjavur, we learn that 6 nalis made one kuruni .

6 nalis = 1 kuruni

15 kurunis — 1 kalam

Another record stipulates 8 nalis for 1 kuruni and 7 nalis and 1 uri for one marakkal.
The generally prevalent denominations and their ratio can be given here :

2 dlakku

=

1 ulakku

2 ulakku

5 =

1 uri

2 uri

=

1 nali

8 nali

=

1 kuruni or marakkal

2 kuruni

1 padakku

2 padakku

1 tuni

3 turn

=

1 kalam.

Probably, in order to avoid any confusion, the temple had its own standard measures.
The marakkal and the nali used by this temple were named Arianavalldn-kdl and
Arianavalldn-ndliP They were used both in the later Chola and the entire Vijaya-
nagar period.

The Temple and Society 143

Another unit used for measuring the cooked food of the temple was Anddlan-kal
called after the name of the presiding deity — Arulalan. 74

Liquid-measure

The earliest unit of liquid-measure occurs in an epigraph dated A.D. 1 129. The
measure mentioned was Tirundrdyanan , 75 The quantity it denoted is not known.
Later on, the liquid-measure that was continuously in usage in the temple during the
Chola period was Arumolinangai-ndli . 7e It was evidently called after the queen of
Vira-Rajendra Choiadeva, whose name was Arumolinangai. The earliest epigraph in
which this measure occurs in our temple is the 1 1th year of Kulottunga-III i.e., A.D.
1081. 77 Another frequently occurring liquid measure in the late Choja and the
Vijayanagar days was Ariawalldn-nali , which was evidently the standard measure used
by the temple. From many of the records we gather that ghee or curd supplied to the
temple was required to be measured by this standard.

Coins

The inscriptions of this temple furnish us with interesting information regarding
the coins that were current at various times. It is well-known that gold-coins were
issued by many of the Chola kings. The madai or the pon was the standard gold
coin of the realm and it was equal to one kalanju or 70 grains of gold. The kdsu
was exactly half of this. The madurantakan-madai , perhaps first issued by Maduran-
taka Uttama ChoJa, was current in the time of Kulottunga-I and it is said to have
been equivalent to one kalanju of gold or 9\ mattu or two kdsus , 78 From the
time of Kulottunga-I, many local issues made their appearance. Thus a gold coin
named Bhujabala-vTran-madai is mentioned in a record of this temple 79 It was given
as a gift to the temple by a chieftain from the Ganga-mandalam who had the title
Bhujabala-viran. Unfortunately, nothing is known about the value or the gold-
content of this issue, though we know that it was current in many parts of the
present Chingleput District Still later, during the time of last kings, the Telugu-
Choda chief Gandagopalan’s coin was current in Kanchi. It was known as Gan da-
gopdlan-madai or pudu-madai. 80 In the Vijayanagar days, the coins which were
current here were the panam and the vara ham. The latter was a gold coin of the
average standard weight of 52.7 grams. 81 An half the varaha was called pratapa. The
panam was 1/ 10 of the pratapa or 1/20 of the varaha. In our inscriptions [there are
references both to the varaha and the panam . Thus, during the reign of Krishnadeva
Raya, the annual income from 5 villages amounting to 1,500 vardhas was donated to
the temple. 82 From another record of the same reign, we learn that panam was also a
gold coin. 83

The temple as a consumer

As an institution requiring a variety of commodities and services for its day-to-day
conduct as well as on special festive occasions, the temple was the biggest consumer
of the locality. In the early stages, the requirements of the temple were probably few;
some rice for offerings, flowers, sandal, milk, ghee and oil for lamp etc., were all that
were required. The steady increase in the offerings, festivals, and rituals from about
13th century A.D. resulted in the increase of the articles required by the temple

144 Sri VaradarajaswSml Temple— Kahchi

manifold. Perhaps in no other temple do we get such graphic details about the
articles used by the temple and their various proportions for preparing different kinds
of food-offerings as we do in the numerous Vijayanagar records of this temple. 84
The items constantly required by the temple were : rice, gram, pulses, turmeric,
pepper, mustard, jaggery, salt, areca-nuts, betel, camphor, kumkum, coconut,
fruits, milk, ghee, butter, curd, oil, honey. Different items of vegetables are
mentioned in a record dated S 1514 (A.D. 1592). 85

Not only in the food-articles and the perfumery, but in other articles like cloth,
wooden objects, jewels, gold, silver and brass, metal lamps, decorative articles and the
like, the temple was and still continues to be the biggest consumer in the locality.
In this way, the temple stimulated and encouraged local trade and industry.

Thus, from the foregoing account it is seen that Varadarajaswami temple filled a
large place in the social and economic life of the people of Attiyur and Kanchi.
Thanks to the rich benefactions in the later Choi a and the Vijayanagar days the
temple reached a point of affluence and glory from about the 13th century. It gave
employment to numerous priests, servants of various categories, hymnists, musicians,
dancing girls. It also patronised the learned and the cultured. In short, it is no
exaggeration to say that the temple gathered round itself all that was best in arts of
civilized existence. The temple played a leading and constructive role for the larger
social and moral well-being of the people.

NOTES

1. For a full discussion on the socio-religious
practices of the two sects of the Srl-Vaish-
nava Brahmins, see K. Rangacharf : The
Srl-Vaishnava Brahmanas (Madras, 1932).

2. Crole, op. cit , p. 32.

3. 635 of 1919,

4. 557 of 1919.

5. V. Rangacharya : 'Historical Evolution of
Sri- Vaishnavism in South India*, op. cit.,
p. 176.

6. T.V. Mahalingam : Administration and Social
Life under the Vijayanagar, pp. 176 and 311.

7. 519 of 1919.

8. 368 of 1919.

9. 472 of 1919.

10. 583 of 1919.

11. 607 and 609 of 1919.

12. S.I.I.,pp. 140-143.

13. 571 of 1919.

14. 557, 642, 608 of 1919.

15. 637 of 1919.

16. 400, 557 of 1919.

17. 566 of 1919.

18. 618 of 1919.

19. Ibid.

20. 566 of 1919

21. S.I.T.I., I, Nos. 367, 373, 383, 394, 395, 396,
416 etc.

22. Nal onrukku Tirumadaipalliyil Alakkum An -
yanavallan naliyal Nei ulakkum , Tayir-
amudu-naliyam (551 of 1919).

23. S.I.T.I , I, 356.

24. S I.T.I., I, 401, 412, 414, 598 and 400.

25. 623 of 1919.

26. S.I.T.I., I, 393.

27. 535 of 1919.

28. 570 of 1919.

29. 431 of 1919.

30. 388 of 1919.

31. 535 of 1919.

32. Quoted by T.V. Mahalingam * Administra-
tion and Social Life under the Vijayanagar,
p. 269.

33. 535 of 1919.

34. 635 of 1919.

35. Ep. Ind. XXV, No. 34. Also see Chapter IV
above.

36. Ibid, p. 320.

37. 370 of 1919.

38. 377 of 1919.

39. S.I.T.I., I, No. 432.

40. Ep. Car. Ill, Sri. 100; S.I.T.I., I, 429. Also
see Hayavadana Rao : History of Mysore,
Vol. I, pp. 329-331; Vol. II, pp. 29-33.

41. S.I.T.I., I, No. 355.

42. 361 of 1919.

43. 434and461of 1919.

The Temple and Society 145

44. 438 of 1917.

45. S.I.T.I., 1, 357.

46. Ibid, Nos. 406, 358; 575 of 1919.

47. 443, 482, 507, 535, 592 of 1919; 588 and 380
of 1919 and 502 of 1919.

48. 443 of 1919.

49. 427, 441 (Pandya); 457 (Mysore) of 1919.

50. 444 of 1919.

51. S.I.T.I., I, No. 429.

52. 473 of 1919.

53. Ep. Ind. VII, pp. 128-132.

54. 428 of 1919.

55. 441 of 1919.

56. 655 of 1919; A.R.E. *920, para 48.

57. 658 of 1919.

58. 648 of 1919.

59. S.I.T.I., I, 348.

60. A R.E. 1920, p. 123.

61. C.S. Crole, Chingleput District Manual ,
p. 209.

62. This is in accordance with the ratio given
in inscriptions of Thanjavur and Chingle-
put areas (A. Appadurai, Economic Con-
ditions of S. India , I, p. 405).

63. 520 of 1919.

64. 483 of 1919.

65. 357 of 1928 and 212 of 1916.

66. K.A.N. Sastri : Cholas , p. 528; T.V.
Mahahngam : Administration and Social
Life under the Vijayanagar , p. 47.

67. 522 of 1919.

68. 565 of 1919.

69. S.I.I., III, No. 80 (A.D. 1129).

70. S.I.T.I., I, No. 359.

71. Ibid, No. 377.

72. 560 of 1919.

73. SI I., IV, No. 361.

74. 507 of 1919, Arulalan-kalal-amudupadi .

75. 436 of 1919.

76. S.I.T.I., I, No. 349 and also No. 367.

77. 554 of 1919.

78. K.A.N. Sastri : A History of S . India (1958),
p. 328.

79. 48 of 1893; 453 and 360 of 1919.

80. 428, 385 of 1919.

81. Vijayanagar a Sexcentenary Volume (1935),
p. 225.

82. 474 of 1919.

83. 512 of 1919.

84. For instance refer S.I.T.I., I, No. 349.

85. S.I.T.I., I, 368.

CHAPTER VHI

ARCHITECTURE

General features

This chapter is complementary to Chapter III wherein a fairly detailed des-
cription of the various shrines, mandapas and other structures of this temple is given.
The disposition of the shrines, as also their probable origin based mainly on the
epigraphical and literary sources were indicated. Architectural features were briefly
cited as corroborative evidence. In this chapter attention is focussed on structural
details of the temple and its constituents. This temple is important for such a study
because it preserves the different architectural and stylistic patterns that were in
vogue at different epochs in the Tamil country. We are indeed fortunate to have a
good number of structures in the temple which are specifically datable. They give
us the prevailing norms of construction and style. They serve as landmarks in
architectural evolution and provide us with the necessary data for comparison with
architectural details of the undated structures and for fixing the date of the latter.

We have already outlined four stages of development of this temple-complex
(Chapter III). Leaving out the first stage for which there are no structural vestiges
left, we find the next three stages that can be taken as representing three phases in
the evolution of the style as well. The second stage which coincides with the times
of the Choi a kings Rajadhiraja-I, Kulottunga-I was the most formative stage as far
as this temple is concerned, for it witnessed a thorough reconstruction of a modest
temple into a bigger complex. It started by about the middle of the 11th century
A.D. Most probably, the present sanctum-complex over the ‘hill’ and the Narasimha
shrine down below, were the earliest to be built, and this took place sometime
during the reign of Rajadiraja-I. This is well attested by the presence of the latter’s
inscription in the Narasimha shrine. Probably a little later, sometime before
A.D. 1073 and during the reign of Kulottuga-I, was built the second enclosure-wall
with its central gateway on the west. Slightly later, but during the reign of the
same king, the third enclosure was also constructed with its central gateway. Thus,
the reigns of Rajadhiraja-I and Kulottunga-I roughly occupying a period of a
little more than 100 years from A.D. 1018-1120 witnessed the most remarkable
structural improvement in the temple. The structures that rose up during this
period are essentially rooted in the orthodox, well-developed Chola pattern with
their plain spaces and simple designs. They can indeed be said to belong to the middle
Choja phase as we see in them the continuation of the characteristics of the mature
or the imperial Chola style, as exemplified in the temples of Brihadisvara at Than-
javGr and Gangaikondachojapuram. 1 No doubt certain new features were intro-
duced even during the reign of Kulottunga-I, but as far as this temple is concerned, we

148 Sri Varadarajaswdml Temple— Kaftehi

find the structures of these times retaining the middle Choja style in all their essen-
tials. The structures are massive in proportions and austere in appearance. They have
short and squattish pillars and pilasters made up of two sadurams or squares at the
two ends and an octagonal middle. They have heavy corbels or podikal with bevelled
end and angular profile, having tenon-like projection. The square and thick abacus
(palagai) has also a plain doucene on its underside which was rarely scalloped.
Entranc t-gopuras were always broad and squattish so as not to dwarf the stature
of the central shrine. This principle was admirably kept up in our temple as the
central sanctum situated on an elevated platform (hill) still dominates the entire
composition.

The second stage in the growth of the temple coincides with the reigns of the
later Chola kings beginning with Yikrama Chola-I. This would roughly, though
not exactly, coincide with the period indicated by Dubrueil between 1100-1350 2
Here we see some new traits or features in the pattern of the pillars, pilas-
ters and corbels making their appearance which later on became well developed
and attained full consummation during the Vijayanagar times. This traditional
stage is well represented in this temple by many shrines like the Kariamanikaperumal
shrine, Anantalvar shrine, Krishna shrine and the Abhisheka-mandapa. We see
in them the presence of the earlier features as well as the emergence of new ones.
Here, we see the pillar-corbels taking the form of a moulded campanulate
pendant, tending to become floral and anticipating the incipient madalai of the
pushpa-potika (lotus-bud), characteristic of the Vijayanagar style. The abacus (palagai)
of the capital is not only thinner in contrast to the large and thick ones of the
earlier Chola times but also becomes scalloped. Deep niches with sculptures and
topped by a massive-Chola ornamental torana , common in the early and middle-
Chola temples, seldom appear on the wall-portions of the shrines. Instead, only
shallow niches without sculptures and with the constricted torana in low relief are
found. All these peculiar traits in plan and the elevation of the shrines and the
mandapas will be discussed in detail in the sequel. Figure 40 clearly indicates the
changing stylistic features.

In the succeeding Vijayanagar period, the temple witnessed greater constructional
activity and some of the buildings are remarkable for the great size of their component
structures — mandapas and gopuras . During this phase, increased importance was
given to the growth of the temple precincts and the ancillary structures. There
was considerable increase in the temple-rituals and festivals and, correspondingly
new structures like the kalyana-mandapa, the tulabhara-mandapa , the unjal-mandapa
and the vasanta-mandapa had to be built. The gopuram or towering gateway also
came to occupy a more prominent position in this temple-scheme and became so
imposing as to completely dwarf the main sanctum. The embellishments of the
adhistana mouldings, pillars, ceilings, towers etc., became markedly rich and varied
and the decorative treatment excelled all previous attempts. The shafts of the
pillars and pilasters became more ornamental with the former. The lower part of
the abacus or pali which was somewhat scalloped into petals in the early and late
Chdla times assumed a more pronounced floral form with the petals or idol of the
Padma s the corbel which was an incipient pendant evolved into the characteristic
pushpa-potika, with a double-flexed arm extending from the main block and scallop-

Architecture 149

ed at the free-hanging extremity into the everted petals with a small bud or torus
hanging at the centre. The pillared halls such as the kalyana-mandapa > the itnjaU
mandapa and the vahaaa-mandapa in this temple which belong to this period are
noted for their minute carvings and extravagant embellishment characteristic of the
style. The intricately worked colonnade, often with attached small pillars or animal
or human sculptures lend immense beauty to the structures. The other impor-
tant Vijayanagar contributions to this temple are the tall and magnificent gdpura
on the east with its massive elaborately moulded granite-built plinth, and the com-
pact little shrines for the numerous Alvars and Achdryas which are neatly built along
the periphery of the outermost prakara.

As already pointed out, the first three prdkdras have in them many of the earliest
structures of this temple. A discussion on the architectural significance of the so-
called ‘hill’ which is in the form of a square enclosure is given at the end of this
chapter. We will study the architecture of the other parts of this temple one by one.

First prakara

The complex of structures over the hill is interesting. On plan, it is composed of
a square cella, an antarala , two long rectangular mandapas in the axial line. There is
no epigraphical or literary data available to date this complex and thus we
have only to depend on the architectural style of the structure. The mouldings
on the wall-surface of the garbagriha give us admirable clues. The adhistana
as we see it from inside is composed of a high jagati, a tripatta (three-faceted)
kumuda, a recessed kanta and a plain pattika. Over the pattika is the vedi
which comprises a recessed kantaAike fillet and an urdhvapadma course and topped
by the prati. Below the jagali there must have been an upana moulding which
is evidently buried in the inner floorings. The pilasters are plain and square in
section. They have rather heavy corbels which are bevelled having a tenon-like
projection, a typical feature of the Chola style. The pilasters on the two mukha*
mandapas also display identical features thus, showing that they, together with the
sanctum, form one compact group. The adhistana mouldings in this complex are
of the simplest type, devoid of any ornamentation. This together with other features
like the massive pilasters and heavy tenon-corbel etc., may give it an early date. It
can be ascribed to the middle of the eleventh century A.D. (Fig. 40 — item A).

Punyakoti-vimana (Fig. 4)

There is a fine dvitala (two-storeyed) vimana of ayatasra (oblong) type with the
sola or wagon-vault sikhara , over the garbagriha . Normally, the s ala- sikhara with a
rectangular base can be built over a rectangular sanctum. But here unusually, the
sikhara having a rectangular base has been superposed over a square sanctum. This
is indeed a rarity and it has been made possible by resting the rectangular base
of the sikhara not only on the sanctum walls proper but also beyond and over the
walls of the second circuit around the sanctum, as can be seen from the accompany-
ing plan. The vimana has completely been renovated and replastered in the thirties of
the present century, thus obliterating all the old features. But we know from an
epigraph that Krishnadeva Raya covered this Punyakoti-vimana with gold sometime
in A.D. 1514. 3

150 Sri VaradarQjaswclmi Temple— KMchi

All around the harmya of the second storey, there runs a hdra or string of minia-
ture shrines such as the karnakutas at the four corners and the bhadrasalas in the
centre and panjaras in between forming the components over the prastara of the
ground storey. The top of the second storey has four seated Garudas in anjali pose
at the four corners besides some representations of Vishnu as Vimana-devatas,
occupying the nasika projections of the rectangular grfva. The wagon- top or
sdla-sikhara carries a row of seven metal stupis , over its ridge and its two ends are
large nasika fronts.

The eight-pillared mahamandapa in this complex also seems to be of the Chola
times. The pillars have round cross-section and bear heavy bevelled corbels at the
top.

The pillared cloister ( pradakshina ) around the entire sanctum- complex is an
addition of the Vijayanagar times, as already pointed out. The pillars which are
rather tall (2 metres high) have the evolved pushpa-potikai corbels.

Second prakara

At the base of the hill with the second prakara, some details of the Narasimha
shrine and the double-storeyed pillared cloister around deserve our attention. The
small shrine of Narasimha is of the nirandhara type, having no circumambulatory
around it. So only its frontal view is to be seen as in a cave-temple. The pilasters
that flank its facade are noteworthy. They are short but massive and are compos-
ed of two sadurams or square sections at the ends with an octagonal middle — a feature
which is a survival of the Pallava and the early Cho]a style. They have very heavy
bevelled corbels with prominent tenon-like projections. The earliest inscription in
this shrine and indeed in this temple which is found on the inner sanctum wall is
dated A.D. 1050/ and as it does not refer to the construction of this shrine, there
is room to presume that the shrine might have been there even slightly earlier.
Since Narasimha is a cave-dweller, this shrine has been conceived of in the form of a
cave, cut, as it were, into the Hastigiri hill. But actually, it is only an improvised
masonry cell with a low ceiling. 5

The gopmz-entrance in front of the Narasimha shrine is a fine structure of the
11th century A.D. The earliest epigraph is dated A.D. 1073 and belongs to the Chola
king Kulottunga-I. 6 It is inscribed on the plinth ( adhistana ) portion of the gateway.
The plinth of this entrance is quite high and carries a number of mouldings which,
from the bottom upwards, are : the upana , the plain jagati, a prominent vritta-
kumuda, the top of which has the lotus-petal decoration, a double kanta which is
relieved at intervals by the rafter-end motifs and a frieze of animals, probably lions*
Over it, is the wall portion which is relieved by a number of tall and plain pilasters
(of square cross-section) having the bevelled corbels and tenon-like projections. The
superstructure over this is of brick and mortar. It rises in three diminishing tiers
to a height of about 35 ft. and is topped by a rectangular grfva surmounted by a
wagon-top sikhara with large nasika-t nds on either side and a series of kalasas on
top. The parapets of the storeys carry strings of kufas, salas and panjaras all around.
There are no sculptures except on the grfva portions which has some stucco reliefs.
They have been spoiled by later-day renovation. Though the exterior is renovated,
the gdpura preserves the older contours and the style of the Choja gopuras which

Architecture 151

are usually broad and squattish and are invariably smaller than the ximana
on the central shrine. 7 The mandapa in front of Andal shrine is a fine Vijayanagar
structure (Fig. 5).

Third prakata

This gopura leads us out into the courtyard enclosed by third prakdra , wherein
very important shrines are situated. They are :

Kariamanikkaperumal shrine

The simple and elegant shrine seems to have been built roundabout A.D. 1129
and in many ways it typifies the prevailing norms or styles of the day.

It has a square garbagriha , an antarala and a small mukha-mandapa. Its height
is not more than 3 metres. There is no superstructure over the sanctum. Here we
see the adhistana mouldings still retaining their simplicity with only a few additional
lotus-petal ornamentations (Fig. 40, item B). The bottom-most fillets constitute the
upana , over it on the vertical plane are the adhopadma mouldings, then a plain jagati
which bears a number of Ch51a inscriptions, a tripatta-kumuda, a plain kanta with
padma base, a projecting pattika and over it is the Vedi portion and finally the prati.
The wall portion is adorned by a number of simple and shallow niches and beautiful
pilasters. There are five niches, two each on the north and south and one on the
back wall i.e., on the west. The niches are square and simple in design, unlike the
later ones which are highly ornamental, as found in the Perundevi Tayar.

The shafts of the pilasters are square in cross-section and carry a padma-banda
neck moulding, kalasa, the tadi , the kumbha rather flattish, the idol or the petal
moulding and the thin abacus or phaJaka . We see the two types of corbels employed
here— the typical bevelled one for the corner pilasters and the incipient pumunai -
corbel for the rest. This latter type of corbel indicates the slow and
gradual transition to the next stage of evolution, with the central tenon
assuming a campanulate floral form , the precursor of the pushpa-potika of the later
period. The cornice carries a number of kudus on its face. Over the cornice is a
short parapet carrying the vyalavari frieze which becomes a recurring motif for the
structures of this period. The pillar design of mukha-mandapa is interesting. It is
composed of three sadurams (square) and two octagonal intervening portions. They
have the typical Chola corbels.

Abhisheka-mandapa

The abhisheka-mandapa is large square and closed pavilion built in the early part
of the 13th century A.D. It preserves its late Chola characteristics intact. The
adhistana or the basement is built in bold proportion having a number of mouldings
like the plain and flat upana , the adhopadma moulding, the jagati, vritta-kumuda , a
simple recessed kanta with lotus petal moulding flanking the upper and the lower
sides and a straight projecting pattika on which are seen a number of inscriptions.
The vritta-kumuda , though boldly depicted, is much more stylised than the one
found in earlier structures, such as the gopura basement in front of the Narasimha
shrine, described above. Again, over the pattika is a frieze of petal-moulding which
serves, as it were, the base for the wall portion of the shrine. The exterior of the

152~_Sri Varadar &jas w&mi Temple — K&hchi

wall shows reliefs of pilasters which display the late-Chola features like the padma -
banda neck moulding over the shaft ( kal ). The shaping of the vase-like kalasa is
also -noteworthy. The lower doucene of the abacus or the palagai is scalloped into
petals or idol— another late feature. Here also two types of corbels are employed
— the bevelled type for the corner pilasters and the incipient pumunai for the rest.
The cornice tends to become heavy and is curved in two to form a double-flexure
that is typical of the Vijayanagar kapotas. There is only one niche on the eastern
wall of this closed mandapa. In it is placed a large image of Garuda, facing
the main shrine on the east.

On the western side of this mandapa , a later annexe was added as a facade in the
Vijayanagar times. There are two elegant balustraded steps leading to this mandapa .
This was built in the 16th century A.D.

Anantalvar shrine (Fig. 6)

This is another modest and well-dated shrine. It was built in A.D. 1212. It
has a square sanctum, an antarala and a small four-pillared mukha- mandapa . The
entire shrine stands on a padma-pifha or expanded lotus-basement and over it is the
adhistana which is composed of low updna, a jagati , a vritta kumuda , a recessed
flat kanta and a flat and straight pattika (Fig. 40, item c). Over it, is the wall
portion which is recessed and relieved by niches and pilasters. The niches are short
but embellished with a canopy of the sala type with a central kudu arch. Here also
the niches are quite simple in design, unlike those of the Vijayanagar times, found
in the Tayar shrine. The shafts of the pilasters are square in cross-section and have
the padma-banda neck moulding. The abacus is neither thick nor broad but has the
scalloped lotus on its underside. The corbel does not have the tenon-like projec-
tion but has an incipient pumunai curvature, characteristic of the transitional period.
Over it is the curved kapota and then a vyalavart or frieze of leonine griffins over the
prastara . The shrine has a dvitala vimana which is square upto the second tala.
Over it is circular grim which is topped by a circular domical sikhara . There are

four prominent nasikas with kirtimukha finial. On the four corners of pindi
terrace below the griva are seated four Garudas, alternating with Vishnu as vimana -
devata. The Hayagriva form of Vishnu is seated on the southern side and the Nri-
simha form on the northern side.

Thousand-pillared-mandapa

The thousand-pilIared~wtfwJ< 2 />a on the north-eastern corner of this prdkdra is
also a contribution of the beginning of the 14th century A.D. and hence, we see many
of the features of the transitional period. The plinth is embellished with many
ornamental mouldings, particularly a double vyalavari frieze; the pillars are rather
tall and slender; the corbels have a distinct pumunai corbel, and there is a well-bent
kodungai forming the cornice. The pillars have not yet assumed the extravagant
ornamentation of the Vijayanagar times.

Kitchen

The kitchen on the south-east corner of the prdkdra is an older structure cons-
tructed during the time of Kulottunga-I, It is a closed room with a mukha-maridapa

Architecture 153

at its entrance. The pillars are square with three sadurams (square portions) and
two hexagonal or fluted intervening portions. The pillar capital bears pronounced
chamfered corbels. The cornice is thick and straight.

Perundevi Tayar shrine (Fig. 7)

It has already been noticed that the shrine for Perundevi Tayar came into
existence probably in the beginning of the 13th century. Its presence is mentioned
in an epigraph dated A.D. 1236. 8 But the shrine proper, in its present form, is a
construction of the Vijayanagar times, though the high pediment on which its enclo-
sure wall is constructed is an older structure, belonging to the 13th century. Ob-
viously, this portion underwent elaboration during the Vijayanagar times. The earlier
shrine was replaced by the present elegant shrine together with its other forward
complements like the cloistered verandah, sometime around about A.D. 1487 as
already shown. 9

The sanctum antarala complex of the Ta^ar shrine is one of the best illustrations
of the ornate architecture of the Vijayanagar epoch. It closely resembles the
Amman shrine in the Hazara Rama temple at Hampi. 10 From the base to the
cornice, the entire surface is embellished with rich ornamental details, bold in design
and exuberant in expression. The niche projection and the corresponding recesses
which start right from the basement level break the monotony of the plan while the
deep plinth-mouldings produce sharp effect of light and shade.

The adhopadma moulding over the upana is very pronounced. The jagati is
plain except for the Vijayanagar inscriptions over it. The vritta-kumuda is very
much constricted and ribbed, while the pattika is quite prominent. There are al-
together five niches— two on the sides and one on the rear wall, all projecting out from
the ground level, thus breaking the straight line of the plan. The niches are highly
ornate with an ornamental kapota canopy which are in turn surmounted by nasika
fronts. The niches are flanked on either side by richly decorated kumbha-panjaras
placed in the recesses of the wall. They are pilasters having purna-kumbhas or full
vases of plenty as their bases with excrescent foliage with emergent pillar shaft
carrying a nasika top. The other pilasters have faceted shafts and the nagapadam
decoration at the base. The phalaka is thin and has its lower part prominently
scalloped into petals. The pushpa-potika corbel at the top is very pronounced.
The cornice ( kodungu ) is also embellished with a string of kudu arches, extending for-
ward considerably.

The vimfina over the sanctum is named the Kalyanakoti vimana, built in the 17th
century. It is fully covered with copper sheet and hence its architectural features
are masked.

Vijayanagar-mandapas

The pillared maha-mandapa in front of the Tayar shrine seems to have been built
in the 16th century by Alagia Manavala Jlyar. It has typical Vijayanagar ornamen-
tal columns with rearing horsemen attached to their shafts. In some pillars rearing
yyalas are also attached.

There are four more mandapas of the Vijayanagar times in the forecourts of
this prakara. They are : the kili-mandapa, the uhjabmandapa and two other pillared

154 Sri VaradarBjaswami Temple— Kufchi

halls, one In front of the abhishekci-mandapa and the other interposed between the
latter and the Tayar shrine entrance. All of them bear unmistakable Vijayanagar
characteristic like the tall fluted pillars with a prominent pushpa-potika corbel and a
protruding kodungii , with double flexure. Moreover as already seen the Vijayanagar
royal emblem is carved boldly in almost all these mandapas. There are some
interesting bas-relief sculptures which will be noticed later The iinjal-mandapa in
particular is an exquisite specimen of Vijayanagar art. Built on high plinth in an
open courtyard, it is supported by elaborately worked composite pillars with
clusters of smaller pillars, inter-connected, as it were, by some feligree work. The
capitals over them are multi-faceted and massive. The kodungu or the cornice is very
conspicuous with its double flexure; on the eastern face of it is carved the Vijaya-
nagar crest—' Varaha, sun, moon etc. The compact little tower with the sala-sikhara
and ekatala lends beauty to the mandapa . There are some good stucco figures over
the vimana and fine carving over the inner ceiling of the mandapa (Fig. 8) From its
style this mandapa can be ascribed to the 16th century A.D.

Gopura entrance and the compound wall

As we go out of the third prakara , we pass through a gopura entrance which is
now called Todarmal-vdsal. It is a fine and solid structure going back to the time
of Kulottunga-L Many of his inscriptions are seen on the plinth portions and
earliest of them belongs to A.D. 1106. 11 The style of its massive adhistana mould-
ings and the pilasters is exactly like that of the gopura entrance in front of the
Narasimha shrine; both of them were apparently built in the time of Kulottunga-I.
The compound wall abutting on it seems to have been reconstructed more elabora-
tely under the supervision of Alagia Manavala Jlyar, whose portrait figures are kept
in small niches at the top of this compound wall.

The gopura is broad-based and rises gradually in five diminishing tiers, the griva
is rectangular over and is crowned by a sala-sikhara with five kalasas. At the centre
of every tala there is a doorway flanked by dwarapalakas made of stucco. Four
gaiudas in anjali are seated on the four corners of the topmost tala, just below the
grim. Other than this, there are no sculptures on its body. Strings of miniature
shrines like panjar a, kiita , sola are seen marking the parapet of every tala. Though
renovated in recent years the gopura has unmistakable later Choja elegance and
proportion. Abutting over this gopura on the west is a rectangular pillared portico
built probably during the time of Krishnadeva Raya, whose inscriptions are found
on its plinth.

Fourth prakara

Most of the shrines in this courtyard, in their present extant form, as well as the
mandapas are the products of the Vijayanagar times. Some of them like the kaU
yana-mandapa and the vahana mandapas are extraordinarily elegant and are of great
architectural and monographic interest while many of the shrines are simple and
unpretentious structures. To the latter category belong the shrines of Peria-alvar,
Mudal-alvar, Tiruppan, Tondaradippcdi and Tirumalisai, which are distributed
along the periphery of the outer enclosure. All of them display the same pattern of
construction— a square sanctum, a small antardla and a mukha-mandapa with open

Architecture 155

pradakshina round the sanctum (see General Plan I). The pillars and pilasters dis-
play the typical features of the 15th and 16th centuries.

The shrine of Tiruppan and Tondaradippodi is noteworthy for its elegant vimdna
over the sanctum.

Similarly, the shrine of Nammalvar possesses a fine sikhara over its square sanc-
tum. Another noteworthy structure in the Nammalvar shrine is its pillared mahd -
mandapa in front. It is a product of Vijayanagar times and it contains some portrait
sculptures of a Vijayanagar chieftain besides the sculptures of Alvars and acharyas
like Tirukkachi-nambi.

Krishna shrine

From the architectural point of view this is very interesting shrine in the outermost
prdkara. It has a square sanctum, a transverse ant ar ala and a mukha-mandapa of a late
date. The cubical or the samachaturasra sanctum is topped by a dvitato sikhara (two-sto-
reyed ) or ndgara class. 12 This is indeed a unique type in the temple, for invariably all the
square sanctums here are crowned only by circular or vesara griva and sikhara .
Square grim and square sikhara are indeed rare. This might have been built under the
patronage of the later Pandyas who were familiar with such square-type vimanas. 13
An inscription of one Sundara Pandya is found on the south wall of the entrance of the
shrine. Evidently, it was Jatavarman Sundara Pandya who brought Kanchi under
the Pandyan control sometime around A. D. 1260. But unfortunately the inscrip-
tion is fragmentary. Probably, the shrine was built sometime during this period. The
pilaster corbels have the incipient pumunai motif. There are five niches, two on either
side and one on the back wall. The niches are each crowned by a small sala-sikhara
with a central nasika arch. The cornice is short and straight. The small mandapa in
front is a Vijayanagar addition.

Chakrattalvar shrine 14

This shrine is more like a spacious square hall without any features. The ant ar ala
is not well marked. Around the hall is a closed pradakshina passage. Since Chak-
rattalvar or Sudarsana image is two-faced, there are entrance gateways on either side
of the shrine chamber. There are also two mukha-matydapas in front of the two
entrances.

The adhistana of the sanctum is composed of a plain upana, a faceted kumuda, a
recessed kanta and two plain pattikas u The wall space is relieved by pilasters with
shafts having square cross-section and the incipient pushpa-potika corbel. The fea-
tures show that the shrine might have been built in the latter half of the 13th or the
earlier half of the 14th century.

The twelve-pillared mukha-mandapa on the west is a clear Vijayanagar addition,
as evidenced by the tall double columns with prominent corbels. The central ceiling
near the entrance is occupied by a large granite slab, bearing fine relief carving of
Rama, Hanuman and Balakrishna. In the centre of the slab is a large lotus in blos-
som. Around it are some of the scenes from Krishna’s life such as Krishna killing a
demon in the form of a bird (Bakasura), another in the form of a calf (Dhenukasura),
killing the elephant kesi, swallowing butter. Other figures carved in the next panel
are Rama, Lakshmana, Sita and Vishnu on Garuda etc. The Vijayanagar royal

156 'ISrl Varadar&jaswdmi Temple— KMchi
insignia is also carved prominently.

Kalyana-mandapa (Fig 9)

Perhaps the most remarkable product of the Vijayanagar art in this temple is the
kalyana-mandapa, the ornamental pillared pavilion used for the annual ceremonial
marriage of the God and the Goddess. Standing on an exquisitely carved elevated
platform and occupying an area of 575 square metres this pavilion is supported by
a closely lined colonnade of pillars, 96 in number, which are remarkable for their
varied decorative detail and sculptural exuberance. Its lofty plinth (2 metres high)
is divided by a number of prominent horizontal bands with finely carved designs,
animal as well as floral, each band being separated from the next one by a deeply re-
cessed portion. Friezes of elephants, horses, swans ( hamsa ), narrative panels from
the Rdmdyana , dancing figures etc., occupy these bands.

The pillars are all tall and monolithic and their shafts are sculptured into rich
and varying patterns like warriors and hunters on rearing horses, the rampant ydli
which are very characteristic of the Vijayanagar art motifs, as seen in similar pavilions
at Vellore, Srirangam, Virinchipuram (North Arcot District). In some of them,
full sculptures in the round are projecting out like Rati on the parrot, Manmata on
swan etc. “The pillars consist”, in the words of Percy Brown, “a bizarre grouping
of imaginary statuary with stone-cutting of a high order.” About the rampant ani-
mal motif which repeatedly occurs in all their mandapas the same renowned art-
critic observes aptly, “during the Vijayanagar regime this motif appears so frequently
that it dominates every conception until it becomes an obsession. The rampant
horseman in the later Dravidian building reveals the spirit of the times as the Vijaya-
nagar era corresponds in some respects to the age of chivalry and romance which
prevailed in the mediaeval Europe. That the armed forces of the Vijayanagar empire
were of the finest calibre which kept their hereditary foes (Muslim powers) at bay,
whereas almost every other part of the country succumbed at once. Something of
this temper seems embodied in the art of this period and accounts for the columns of
splendid cavaliers nonchalantly astride the gigantic rearing chargers and engaged in
furious combat with fabulous creatures.” 15 Here in this temple motif is profusely
depicted in its multifarious variety not only in the kalydna mandapa but also repeat-
ed in the vdhana mandapa and the maha-mandapa in front of the Tayar shrine — all of
which belong to the 16th century. Besides the normal Vijayanagar soldier with his
typical head-dress, full sleeve and sword, a few European soldiers with carbines or
muskets are also portrayed. Probably, they represent the Portuguese soldiers who
were recruited into the Vijayanagar army.

Besides these elaborately wrought composite columns which are found invariably
near the facade and the sides the vast majority of the monolithic pillars inside dis-
play contrasting geometrical shapes— a cube or saduram alternative with a fluted
cylinder, all copiously carved. Each capital is a substantial four-branched foliated
volute each terminating in the characteristic flower-pendant. Two other interesting
features of this mandapa are its magnificent balustraded stepped entrance and the
marvellous free-hanging chains of stone-rings at the four corners of the massive
double flexed and intricately wrought cornice above.

Architects e 157

Entrance gopuras

This immense temple -complex is appropriately enclosed by a high outer boundary
wall, having two imposing gateways— one on the east and the other on the west — both
being two towering gopuras. As already pointed out, the gopura on the west is shorter
and more squattish whereas the one on the east is taller and narrower. The former
is of an earlier date, as it seems to be essentially rooted in the late Ch5la tradition.

The earliest inscription on the plinth portion is of the 13th century. The door-
jambs, made of single tall monolithic pieces, are plain without the sdlabanjika and
the creeper motif, that invariably appears in the Vijayanagar gateways. This motif
is prominently carved on the eastern gopura . Further, the Vijayanagar insignia that
is boldly carved on the ceilings of the gateway on the east is conspicuous by its
absence on the western gateway. The corbels of the pilasters in the latter are still
in the traditional stage, namely, undeveloped pushpa-potika. Hence, the western
gopura is to be dated to the latter half of the 13th century while the eastern gUpura-
entrance belongs to the first half of the 16th century A.D.

Western gopura (Fig. 10)

The massive granite base of the adhistana of the gopura , about 7 metres in height,
is divided in its vertical plane into two principal storeys by a prominent pattika .
Along the horizontal section, this huge mass is broken up by a number of projecting
bays, alternating with recesses. The lower section or storey of the vertical stone
part is composed of prominent horizontal mouldings with a very bold padma-tala
base, a massive vritta kumuda , a pattika , vedi and prati over which are arranged a
series of ornamental pilasters. Over this series is a broad prastara with a number
of shallow &u^w-arches. This prastara marks the dividing line between the lower and
the upper storeys of the stone base. The upper section is almost a repetition, of the
lower one with certain differences. In addition to the similar horizontal mouldings
we see the presence of four projecting niches on each side and the kumba-panjaras
in the recesses. The corbels of the pilasters are in the form of undeveloped pushpa~
pdtika; the eave or kapota has not assumed the prominent double-flexure curvature.
Hence, the style is characteristic of the later-Chola or the transitional period.
The same can be said of the superstructure which is built in brick and mortar in
seven diminishing tiers. It is broad and stunted. The body of the tower is not
embellished by sculptures as are those of later gopuras of the Nayak period. Rather
it is absolutely plain except for a series of miniature shrines composed of the sdlas ,
karnakutas and panjaras. The central projecting doorways are carried right upto
the grlva portion. The griva is rectangular and at the apex is the massive sala -
sikhara topped by nine glittering metal kalasas.

Eastern gopura (Fig. 11)

The gopura in the east is much taller (50 metres high) and composed of nine
storeys, and topped by eleven kalasas. In fact it is the tallest structure in the entire
temple- complex. It is a typical product of the mature Vijayanagar style— tall and
narrow with a pronounced emphasis on vertically. It closely resembles the main
tower of the Ekamresvarar temple at Ranchi which was built by Krishnadeva Raya
in the beginning of the 16th century. 16 This gopura , as already pointed out, may also

158 Sri Varadar&jasw&mi Temple— Kanchi

belong to the same period. The Vijayanagar state-crest is boldly depicted on the
ceilings of this gopura. There are two fine salabanjikas (ladies with creepers) carved
on either side of the door-frame. The door-frame is highly ornamental (Fig. 12).

The massive stone-base is made up of two parts, divided by a prominent kapota .
The road level outside the gopura has risen considerably, burying the lowest mouldings.
However, the prominent vritta-kumuda, pattlka and prati are clearly seen relieving
the horizontal plane, while the vertical plane is broken up by a number of pilasters
and projected niches. The upper section of the basement is relieved by projecting
niches and the recesses bearing the kumba-panjara pilaster. The corbels are very
much evolved with prominent lotus-bud end.

The superstructure, made up of brick and mortar, is plain except for the inden-
tations made by the series of miniature shrines like the sala in the centre and kutas
at the corners and the panjaras in between on the sides. The central doorway open-
ing is present in every tala right upto the griva which is rectangular. At the apex is
the massive sala-sikhara with the kirti-mukha ends.

Hastigiri — a hillock or a raised mound ?

As pointed out in the beginning of this chapter, a peculiar and almost intriguing
feature of this temple is the so-called Hasti-hill, over which the main sanctuary is
placed. It is in the form of a square enclosure closed by huge walls covering an
area of 30 metre square.

The enclosing walls are about 7.3 metres high and are plain except for one
kopota moulding in the middle and the vyalavari on the top. The shrine of Varada-
raja on the upper floor is reached by a flight of steps at the south-eastern corner of
the enclosure. On the western side of the ‘hill’, on the ground floor, is the shrine
for Nrisimha which is conceived of as a cave, though this is also a built-up
structure.

What is inside this huge square enclosure on the ground floor which has since
been closed ? When and why was it closed ? All the Vaishnava achdryas like
Kurattalvar, Tirukkachi-nambi (11th century) and Vedanta Desika (13th century)
mention it as the hill. Kurattalvar in one of his verses calls the Lord as residing at
the Sikhara (peak) of the hill. The present walled enclosure can be dated not later
than the middle of the 11th century A.D. at the latest as attested by the presence of
an inscription dated A.D. 1050 inside. In all probability, the walled enclosure was
there during the times of Ramanuja (1016-1137) and his contemporary Kurattalvar
and Tirukkachi-nambi. Therefore their references to the giri or sailam were only to
this walled elevation.

What is inside this enclosure is anybody’s guess— natural hillock or an artificially
raised mound ? The chances for the existence of a rocky hillock there are remote,
for we do not see any visible rocky outcrop for miles around in the neighbourhood.
Secondly, if it were a natural hillock there was no need to build the enclosure walls
and encase it; nor is such a practice known. On the other hand, from a few
exposures seen near the flight of steps (leading up the 'hill’) it can be observed, that
the outer veneering is done by roughly-hewn blocks of stone, giving us the appearance
of an artificially raised mound or platform. This also explains or justifies the
camouflaging done with the high walls to cover up the mound and at the same time

Architecture 259

give it the sanctity of a hill. This camouflaging is seen very clearly in the so-called
cave-shrine of Nrisimha on the ground floor. There is no trace of natural rock
anywhere inside the shrine which has been improvised by building walls of dressed
stones to make it a narrow and rectangular cell about 11 metres long and 2 metres
broad (in the average). The hind wall is in the form of a stone-screen which
prevents the onlooker from seeing the inner core or the portals of the ‘hill’. It
appears to have been the result of a deliberate attempt to create an artificial cave-
shrine to provide an abode for Nrisimha, the cave-dweller.

Whatever may be the true contents or nature of this hill, it cannot be gainsaid
that it is a solid foundation meant to carry massive superstructures — the sanctum
with a narrow processional circuit around it (which is now closed), an antarala,, , two
mukha-mandapas , a maha-mandapa and an outer pillared verandah — all occupying an
area of 900 sq. metres. The walls of the sanctum are nearly 4 metres thick. Added
to it is the weight of the large sala-sikhara on the sanctum. This massive weight
could stand only on a solid foundation on either rock or well-ramped platform. We
are not permitted to make any openings in this enclosure to have a glimpse of its
contents. But perhaps a near parallel is afforded by the temple of Chandraprabha
at Tiruparuttikunram near Ranchi. There also, the ground-floor is closed and the
main shrine of Chandraprabha is situated on the upper floor, reached by a flight of
steps. This was also called by the Jainas as ‘ Ervana sthalam ’ or the Malayandr
Kovil (the hill temple) because of its elevation. Some trial diggings were made at
the top near the antarala portion and it was found that the so-called hill was filled
with sand and mud. The possibility of a similar arrangement at Hastigiri cannot
be ruled out. 17

What is the purpose in creating this elevated platform ? Why was the garb agriha
placed on its top ? The reason, as pointed out earlier, may simply be to give a hill-
like elevation, as in the case of a few other temples of Tamilnad. Such an
artificially raised hill is called in Tamil Kattu-malai and a few temples built
over such ‘hills’ are found scattered in Tamilnad. The Vishnu temple built
by Dantivarman at Alampakkam is an outstanding example. The main deities
in the two famous shrines— Vatapatrasayi temple at Srxvilliputtur and TirukkottiyUr
temple — both in Ramanathapuram District of Tamilnad are also not on the ground
floor but on the raised platform.

Uttaravedi Concept

But a deeper significance may perhaps also be considered as regards the raised
enclosure of this temple. It may be an architectural depiction of the puranic
description of the Uttaravedi on which Brahma performed his yajna to invoke the
presence of Lord Vishnu. The sthalapurdna account has it that Brahma ordered
Visvakarma, the divine architect, to convert the hill into a square Uttaravedi for him
to perform the yajna. 18 Whatever may be the value of the puranic account, the
concept of Uttaravedi mentioned here seems to be significant. The Uttaravedi ,
according to the ancient texts, 19 was a high platform or mound, square in shape,
which served as the ground or basement for the fire-altar which was also a square
and which was at the centre of the Uttaravedi. The fire-altar was called the Nab hi
and in it was placed the fire-pan or the ukha made of clay. It is also square in

160 Sri Varadardjaswdmi Temple — Kafichi

shape. It is spoken of as the womb of Agni or fire and its cube is stated to hold the
manifested universe. The Hindu temple, as Stella Kramrish has shown, reflects
this conception very well, 20

Here in this temple, the so-called Hastigiri is a large enclosure of 30 metre
square with nearly 8 metres high walls, which might represent the Uttaravedi, the
high square basement. In the centre of this basement, we have two more concentric
square enclosures, the outer measuring 13 metre square (around the sanctum
including the tiruvunnaligai ) which might represent the fire-altar or the nabhi and the
innermost sanctuary ( garbagriha ) which is a chamber of 3 metre square might
represent the fire-pan or the womb-chamber.

Though basically, every Hindu temple may be taken to represent this concept
and the vedi has been incorporated as an integral architectural member in the temple
elevation, special emphasis is laid here on the Uttaravedi. Because the place had
come to be renowned as the place where Brahma erected the Uttaravedi for his
yajnct and Lord Varadaraja in his Puny akoti-vim ana came out of the sacrificial fire,
it is likely that this idea was architecturally depicted by laying emphasis on the
Uttaravedi and making it into a large and imposing platform for the extant vimana
along with its circumambulatory. It is an instance of the knowledge of the rites
inspiring architectural forms.

NOTES

J. Dubreuil classified the styles in the follow- Similarly, they occur in the Chsla struc'ure

ing manner : from A.D. 850 to 1100 Chola; at Darasuram and Tribhuvanam. For all

from A.D. 1100 to 1350 Pandya; though these reasons it would be better to designate

broadly correct, the need for revision has the style of the period for 1100-1350 as later

been emphasised by more than one scholar. Chola, particularly in the Tondaiman^alam
See K.R. Srinivasan, J.O I S.O.A. XVI area.

(1943), The Last of the Great Chola Temple . 3. 478 of 1919.

In the Chola period itself three phases, the 4. 519 of 1919.

Early, the Middle and the Later have been 5. See also at the end of the chapter for further
distinguished. The Middle Chola phase coin- discussion on the point,
tides with the reigns of Rajaraja-I, Rajendra- 6. 522 of 1919.

I and Rajadhiraja-I. K.A.N. Sastri , Cholas, 7. This gopura compares well with the gdpura
p. 693. on the Aryabaital-vasal at Srirangam temple.

Also see S.R. Balasubramaniam, Four Chola built in the 11th century A .D. (Hari Rao,
Temples (1963), pp. 34-35. The Srirangam Temple , p. 56).

2. Dubreuil called it the ‘Pandyan phase’. K.R. 8. 605 of 1919.

Srinivasan has rightly questioned this and 9. See Chapter III.

shown that the Chola style continued to 10. See for illustration, Longhurst, Humpi Ruins ,

hold the ground for a considerably longer Fig. 28, p. 74.

period, almost to the end of the 13th cen- 11. 631, 632 and 635 of 1919.

tury A.D. , if not later (J.O J.S.O. A., op. cit., 12. F.H. Gravely and T.N. Ramachandran,

p. 33). Particularly, the Pandyan appellation Three Main Styles of Temple Architecture, 1934,

cannot be applied in toto to the Tondai- p. 22. Also see for importance of this type

mandalam region, where the later Chola K.V. Soundara Rajan, The Matrix of South

style imperceptibly merged with the succeed- Indian Architecture , J.I.H. XLIII, Dec. 1965,

ing Vi jayanagar style. The incipient pushpa- pp. 808-811.

pdtikai corbel which is usually considered to 13. The Kattalagia Singar shrine within the Sri-
be a Pandyan contribution, actually occurs rangam temple has a similar ndgara type of
in well dated Chola structures of this temple, sikhara and it was also built by a Pandya king
datable to AJD 1129 (see Fig. 40, item B). (Hari Rao, The Srirangam Temple , p. 64).

Architecture 161

14. The Chakrattalvar shrine is slightly on the nadeva Raya about A.D. 1516. F.H. Gravely,

north-west of the main sanctum. At Srlran- The Gdpuras of Tiruxannamalai , Madras,

gam it is on the south-west. Evidently a 1959, p. 5.

fixed location for the shrine was not evolved. 17. T.N. RamachandraD, Tiruparuttik unram and
But both are in the fourth enclosure. its Temples (1934), pp. 12-13.

15. Percy Brown, Indian Architecture (Buddhist 18. Vide Chapter 1.

and Hindu), Third Edn. 19. Brihat Samhita , Quoted by Stella Kramrisch,

16. See also the western gdpura at Tiruvannama- The Hindu Temple, Vol. I, pp. 146-147.
lai whose superstructure was built by Krish- 20. Ibid.

CHAPTER IX

ICONOGRAPHY

General features

As one of the largest Vishnu temples of South India, having shrines for different
forms or aspects of Vishnu, His ayudhapurushas and other dvarana devatas (subsidiary
deities), Sri Varadarajaswami temple presents interesting monographic details which
deserve study. As in architecture so in iconography, we find that the temple posses-
ses fine stone and metal specimens, representative of the Chola and Vijayanagar
traditions. While the former are comparatively scarce and found only as enshrined
images, the latter are found in great profusion not only as cult-images but also bas-
reliefs on the pillars and the plinths of the mandapas. Stone images such as those
of Ranganatha, Narasimha, Valampuri Ganesa and the metal icons of the main
deity of Varadaraja and His two consorts, Perundevi, Ramanuja, Nammalvar,
Madurakavi- Alvar, Nathamuni, Anantalvar and Chakrattalvar are some of the out-
standing specimens which typify the naturalness in form and simplicity of demeanour,
the hallmarks of the Chola style. The contours of the body are not angular or
rigid but natural and flowing. The ornamentation or the garments like the antariya
are simple and depicted as though they are part of the body and do not stand out
separately. While the icons of Gods and Goddesses with their abhaya and varada
mudras radiate the qualities of saulabhya (easy accessibility) and sausilya (gracious -
ness), the twin qualities held supreme by the Srl-Vaishnavas, the icons of the Alvars
like Nammalvar and Madurakavi and the achdryas like Nathamuni and Ramanuja
are embodiments of humility, devotion and absolute surrender in body and soul to
the one they held as the Supreme Being. They were mortals but worshipped as
divine beings. These images, with their characteristic ahjali or vyakyana-mudra , ins-
pire the same emotions of humility and devotion in the hearts and minds of multitudes,
who hold them in veneration. Their lives and works are considered the beacon-lights,
showing the path of salvation for the humanity. Hence, the importance given to these
saints in the temples.

The Vijayanagar period continued the iconographic traditions with fresh vigour.
Icons of the majority of the Alvars and achdryas in this temple were products of
this time. Manavala Mahamuni, the last of the great achdryas , was deified in this
period. The sculptural reliefs found in the Kalyana-mandapa, the Vahana-mandapa ,
and a few other places, show remarkable variety in theme and beauty in depiction.
Though the classic touch of the Chola art is missing, still they possess considerable
grace and artistic charm and merit. In Section 1, attention is confined only to the
images that are installed in the shrines, while Section 2 deals with those found out-
side the shrines.

164 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple — Kanchi

Section 1

ICONS (ENSHRINED)

The principal deity of the temple is Vishnu as Varadaraja. The Hindu mind took
delight and solace in conceiving of God in multifarious forms and aspects. In the
temples of Tamilnad, Vishnu was worshipped in the different attitudes— sthanaka or
standing, ascma or sitting and sayana or reclining. 1 Here, Varadaraja is depicted in
his standing posture in the erect samabhanga pose. His two upper hands hold sanka
and chakra, while his lower left holds the gada and the right is in the abhaya-mudra .
All the characteristic attributes of Vishnu are found — kirita-makuta or a high crown,
makara-kundala in the ears, haras or necklaces, keyura (armlets), kankanas (wristlets),
udar a-banda round his waist, katibanda around his hip, yajhdpavita or the sacred
thread. Sr! or Lakshmi is on his right chest. The mulabhera is shown without con-
sorts, whereas the utsavamurti is hanked by Srl-devi on his right and Bhu-devi on his
left. As already pointed out, the mulabhera was originally in wood and was changed
at a later date into one of stone. The utsava-vigraha of Lord Varadaraja is also in
the same pose but hanked by the consorts. They are bronze-icons of exquisite beauty
(Fig. 1 3). In fact, they are considered by the Sri-Vaishnavas to be among the oldest
and most beautiful icons. The central figure is in the samabhanga posture, whereas
flanking images of Sri-devi and Bhu-devi are in rhythmic tribhanga pose. The depic-
tion is tender and charming and can well belong to the earlier half of the 11th
century A.D.

Nrisimha

In the second prakdra there is a shrine for Nrisimha the man-lion incarnation of
Vishnu. An inscription dated A.D. 1131 mentions the deity as Singapperumal
(the Lion-God). 2 Almost all early temples have idols of Nrisimha and Varaha.
The dgamas require the figure of Nrisimha to be set up on the west of the
central shrine. 3 This is faithfully followed in this temple. Here in this shrine
he is represented in the yoga- form. He is seated on the padmasana in

the utkutika posture i.e., knees bent crosswise and belted around by the ydgapatta*

Ranganatha

Vishnu is enshrined in the sayana pose as anantasdyi here. This shrine is on the
outermost prdkara on northern bank of the Anantasaras tank. Though the present
shrine is of only the Vijayanagar times, the deity seems to be older. There is an ins-
cription of the 11th century elsewhere in the temple which refers to the installation
of Vishnu in recumbent pose in a shrine in this temple. It is quite probable that the
reference is to this image According to the agamic injunctions, the head of the
reclining figure should be to the left of the worshipper. This is followed here too.
The shrine and the deity face south and the head is placed on the west.

The popularity of the temple of Ranganatha at Srirangam has probably influenced
the erection of this deity here. We get a number of other instances showing the
influence of Srirangam on Kanchi. This is one of them. Though the shrine is unfor-
tunately in a state of neglect, the deity is graceful and bold in its features.

Iconography 165

The other forms of Vishnu for whom there are separate shrines are Varaha (boar-
incarnation), Krishna and Rama. The shrines for the former two are dilapidated
and in disuse. The utsava-id ol of Krishna is kept in the main shrine. Another image
of Krishna depicted as a young boy drinking milk was installed in the time of
Krishnadeva Raya.

Perundevi

Sri or Lakshmi, the chief consort of Vishnu, is called by different local Tamil
names such as Ranganayaki in Srirangam, Alarmelumangai or Padmavati at Tirupati,
Vedavalli at Tiruallikeni. Here, she is called Perundevi or Periapiratti, the
prime consort. But the iconic representation of all of them is more or less the same.
She is as usual seated on the padmasana. She has four arms, the lower two being in
the abhaya and varada-mudras and the rear ones carry the lotus-bud in each of them.
She is richly decked with the karanda makuta and other jewels. The icons both
in stone and metal are beautiful, though conventional (see Fig. 13 left extreme).
They may be placed in the later Chola period, about the first half of the 13th century
A.D., when indeed the Tayar shrine came to be built.

Andal and Malayala Nachiar

There is a separate shrine for each of them on either side of the gdpura-entrmcQ of
the second prakara. The mulabhera and the utsava-bheras of both the figures are of
exquisite beauty and have interesting iconographic details. Andal or Goda is repre-
sented as a beautiful young maiden, a bride with her hair done up as kesa-banda.
She stands in a graceful tribhanga pose, holding a flower in her hand. While Andal
was the daughter of a commoner, Perialvar, Serakulavallinachiar, was the daughter
of the Chera king and hence she is wearing a kirita-makuta. She also stands in the
tribhanga pose. While AndaJ holds the flower in her left, she holds it in her right
hand. It is of interest to note that at Srirangam, Serakulavalli Nachiar is represented
in the seated pose, while here at Kanchi she is standing. The icons of the Andal
and Serakulavalli look almost alike and seem to have been the products of early
14th century A.D., when the late-Chola tradition was yielding place to the early
Vijayanagar style. Conventionalism had set in but the beauty of the form was not
affected.

Senai Mudaliar

Visvaksena or Senai-mudaliar is the commander of the hordes of Vishnu and as
such holds an important place, nearest to the main deity. There is a small shrine
for him within the second prakara close to the ‘hill’. He holds an important place
in the dchdrya hierarchy of the Srl-Vaishnavas, next only to Sri or Lakshmi. He is
invoked by them at the beginning of all auspicious ceremonies. He is also the custo-
dian of the personal effects of the Lord and so, in all important festivals, special
worship is offered to him first. His image which is a small one here represents him
in seated posture with four hands, the upper ones carrying the discus and the conch
while the right lower hand is in tarjani (warning) pose and the left one holds a heavy
Gada or mace. 5

166 Sri VaradarOjaMmt TempU—Kffichi

Anant&lv&r (Fig. 14)

An interesting feature of this temple is that it has a separate shrine for Garuda,
Ananta and Sudarsana Chakra as at Srxrangam. These three and the Panchajanya
(conch) are called the Nityas or Nitya-Suris , who eternally enjoy the presence and
contact of the Supreme Lord Narayana in His abode Paramapada. They are consi-
dered to be in eternal communion with the Lord even in His Transcendent or the
Para form. They are engaged in continuous service ( kainkarya ) to the Lord. A
popular Tamil verse of the Alvars eulogises Ananta for the multifarious services he
renders to the Lord : * 4 He serves as a couch to the Lord in the distinctive seat; as
an umbrella when the Lord walks; as a seat when He sits; as sandals when He
stands and as a float in the sacred ocean of milk. 5 ’ 6 The very name Sesha means
that he is in eternal servitude to Lord in various forms, in all places, in all states
and at all times. The depiction of the Ananta or Sesha in the human form with the
hood above is one of the exquisite representations in this temple. It is datable to the
13th century A.D.

Garuda

Garuda who is affectionately called by the Srl-Vaishnavas as Garudalvar or Peria-
Tiruvadi has his place directly opposite to the presiding deity in all temples. So also
here. He is the faithful devotee of the Lord and so he is in the anjali pose. Being
the Lord’s mount he is standing with outspread wings, ever ready to carry Him. The
fine image of Garuda is placed in a specially allotted shrine facing the sanctum. The
Garuda image is placed not only in the shrine but also in the corners of the manda-
pas and the prdkdra walls.

Sudarsana or Chakrattalvar

Chakrattalvar is the personification of the discus, one of the weapons of Vishnu.
Though the metal image of the chakra alone can be found in all Vishnu temples,
separate shrines for the chakra as the mulabhera and in the personified form are
extremely rare and found only in older temples like Srlrangam and Tirumalai. The
representation found in our temple is one of the most powerful and impressive of its
kind. It is in outline a chakra or circular frame with jvala or flames depicted on
the rim. Within the large circle, there is the shatkona design made up by two inter-
lacing equilateral triangles. In the centre of this is another smaller circle in which
stands Sudarsana in fearful aspect, his hair standing out in jatas or plaits which are
like the flames of the God of fire. He is having prominent tusks. On the reverse,
there is the figure of Narasimha in the centre in the yoga form. This image in our
temple is quite impressive both in stone and metal. One peculiarity observed in the
metal image or utsava idol is that within the circular framework there are as many
as seven figures of Chakrattalvar in standing pose — the main one in the centre and
six smaller ones are in each of the small peripheral triangles of rays of the six-
pointed star. This depiction is indeed unique and hardly met with anywhere else.

Ga^sa

The presence of a separate shrine for GanSsa in a Vishnu temple is interesting. It
is in the south-west corner of the second prdkdra . It is an uncommon type of

Iconography 16?

GanSsa known as the Valampuri GanSsa, who has his trunk or proboscis turned to
his right instead of left. The image is a fine product of the later Chela times.

Danvantrin

Another rarity in this temple is the shrine for Danvantrin— the father of Indian
Medicine and an incarnation of Lord Vishnu. The shrine is on the south-east comer
of the second prakara. Both the mula and the atsava images are small. He is seat-
ed with two hands, one of them bearing a vessel of nectar. 7 It is well known that
Ramanuja instituted a hospital or arogyasala and renovated the Danvantrin shrine at
Srirangam temple. He placed his disciple Garudavahana Pundita in charge of the
shrine and made arrangements for offering of medicinal decoction or kashaya to God
every night before the closure of the temple. 8 Some such practice based on Rama-
nuja’s injunctions should have inspired the construction of a shrine for Danvantrin at
Kanchi too.

Icons of Alvars and Acharyas

As already remarked an important feature of a Srf-Vaishnava temple is the deifi-
cation of the Alvars and Acharyas. Inscriptional and literary evidences were cited
to show that probably the Mudal-alvars, Nammalvar and possibly Tirumangai and
Andal were deified prior to the Vijayanagar times, though separate shrines for them
came later on. The rest of the Alvars seem to have been deified in the early decades
of the Vijayanagar rule. The iconographic features of many of the Alvars are alike
ie., the three Mudal-alvars and Tirumalisai are seated with anjali-hasta . Tiruman-
gai Alvar, Kulasekhara and Tondaradippodi are in standing pose — the former two in
royal dress and the third as a humble devotee. The metal-icons of Nammalvar and
Madurakavi and the Nathamunigal housed in the same shrine are of remarkable
beauty. They display unmistakable Choja grace. Nammalvar is seated in the
centre in a yogic posture while Madurakavi and Nathamuni are standing on either
side. The former was a direct disciple who said that he knew no God other than
Nammalvar and the latter (Nathamuni) was the first to popularise Nammalvar’s
hymns. 9 So, they form an inseparable trio in the minds of the Sri-Vaishnavas. This
sentiment has been admirably portrayed in metal here. The depiction of Nammalvar
with his right arm half bent and held near his chest in chin-mudra is said to be uni-
que and not to be found in any other temple of South India.

Among the idols of acharyas , that of Ramanuja stands out for its suppleness and
beauty. It is a rare and fine Chola image, depicting Ramanuja with the vyakyana -
mudra which is very unusual. He is usually shown in anjali pose; but here, and at
Tirumalai, he is depicted with the vyakyana-mudra or pose of exposition. This
image was installed here in A. D. 1191 and as such is one of the earliest portrayals
of Ramanuja. 10

The iconographic features of other acharyas like Alavandar and Kurattalvar are
more or less of the same pattern. They are, as usual, shown seated with anjali
pose. Both the mulabhera and the bronze icon of Manavala Mahamuni are hand-
some and display admirable poise, characteristic of the Vijayanagar times (Fig. 15).
The mulabhera has a serpent hood over as Manavala Mahamuni is believed to be an

168 Sri Vara dor a \jaswdmi Temple — Kdnchi
incarnation of Adisesha.

Section 2

ICONS (. NOT ENSHRINED )

All the extant specimens of Choi a sculptures in stone an dmetal are found ins-
talled only in the shrines. Outside in the various ma?idapas and other auxiliary
structures, the plastic scheme is dominated by the Vijayanagar style. In fact, this
temple provides a fine array of Vijayanagar sculptures, rich in iconographic details
and visual beauty.

The places where these sculptures are found are the Kalyana-mandapa , the Vahana -
mandapa , the Tirukkachi-nambi-mandapa , the mandapas in front and by the side of the
Abhisheka mandapa and Nammalvar shrine. But the best representative collection
is to be found at the Kalyana-mandapa which alone contains more than eight hun-
dred bas-reliefs, depicting various puranic themes and characters. But, many of
the themes are often repeated in this mandapa and elsewhere. The subject matter of
sculpture is varied and comprises of the scenes from the Ramayana , the 1 Bhagavata
and other puranas; the episodes connected with the sthalapurana of the temple;
the Dasavatara or the ten incarnations of Vishnu and other minor incarnations; the
Vaishnava saints or Alvars and acharyas ; portrait-sculptures of royal benefactors;
mithunas or love-scenes, comic scenes and a few animal motifs.

The sculptures described below are all from the Kalyana-mandapa unless other-
wise stated.

Style

The sculptures found in the Kalyana-mandapa and the other mandapas of this
temple mentioned above undoubtedly take their rank with some of the best and
mature specimens of the Vijayanagar art of the 16th century A.D. Though conven-
tional, they display accurate and mature workmanship. Except in a few cases
where there is exaggeration of features or stiff disposition, the figures are natural in
pose and attitude. A certain amount of standardisation of iconographic details is
noticeable, but there is no stylisation as is seen in some of the exaggerated figures of
NEyak school of Madurai or Tirunelveli. Here, the figures are of modest size and
of pleasing demeanour. The artist’s fondness for displaying the towering jewelled
crown, some of which are typical of those worn by the Vijayanagar kings, elabora-
tely folded draperies and lavish jewellery like necklaces, armlets, anklets etc., is
clearly noticeable. A desire to depict Vishnu in unique forms is also seen in such
peculiar poses like the Dasabhuja-Nishiixi, Astabhuja- Vishnu, Vishnu dancing on the
apasmara (like Nataraja), etc. While some of the figures of Gods are somewhat
static, the figures like Dasaratha and his queens, Tirukkachi-nambi are admirable
examples to show that the sculptors were capable of depicting feelings and aspira-
tions. The sculpture of Tirukkachi-nambi ever standing to do his fanning service
to the Lord is one of the best sculptures of this temple. The narrative panels depict-
ing various scenes from Ramayana and the Bhagavata testify that the artists were
capable of showingmovement. There is a good number of portrait-sculptures of
kings, queens and chieftains, with the Vijayanagar royal dress.

Iconography 169

The dexterity in depicting the sensuousness of the amorous couples indulging in
the various acts of the love-game is seen in many sculptures in the Kalyana-mandapa
and the vahana-mantlapa. The Vijayanagar artists took special delight in depicting
many comic figures of clown, street-dancer, gipsy etc., which throw interesting side-
lights on the folk-arts and many amusements of the times. Similarly, curious ani-
mal figures like two cows having one common head are also seen.

In short, one sees in these sculptures a close affinity of theme and style to the
beautiful sculptures found in the temples like the Hazara Rama and Vitthala temples
at Hampi. They are exuberant but not exaggerated or uncouth. They are conven-
tional, but not stylised or prosaic. They combine beauty of form with restraint in
modelling. Though a few jarring notes could be seen here and there, they are on
the whole excellent products of one of the most atiractive schools of art of South
India.

A- Ramayana scenes

A lofty and ornamental plinth of the Kalyana-mandapa is divided into a number
of horizontal bands with exquisitely carved designs. While friezes of floral and
animal designs occupy the top bands, the lowest course has a running narrative panel
depicting some of the scenes from the Ramayana. Some of the outstanding episodes
are : Rishyasringa performing the yajha wherefrom he got the havis ; Dasaratha with
his three queens receiving the havis (Fig. 16); the birth of Rama, Lakshmana,
Bharata and Satrugna; two men lifting up the divine bow of Janaka and Rama break-
ing it. 11 Rama’s meeting with Sugriva and his encounter with Vali are depicted with
vigour.

In one of the panels Rama demonstrates his valour as an archer to Sugriva by
shooting through the seven trees with a single arrow (Fig. 17). All the seven trees
are standing on the body of a serpent. The arrow piercing all the trees passed through
the serpent’s neck. This is evidently after a Kannada version of the episode found
later in the Ananda Ramayana also. Earlier version has inspired similar panels at the
Hoysalesvara temple at Halebid and the Hazara Rama temple at Hampi. 12

After Rama proved his valour Sugriva sought his help against his powerful
brother Vali. In another panel Sugriva is seen bowing down humbly in front of
Rama who blesses him.

The Vali-Sugriva fight is depicted with considerable vigour. Vali is shown over-
powering Sugriva by pressing the latter’s head down. Sugriva is groaning in agony.
Rama and Lakshmana are shown standing behind the tree and watching the fight.
Rama is aiming an arrow at Vali (Fig. 18).

The other scenes depicted are : the union between Rama and Vibhlshana; Rama
embracing Hanuman who brought the ring from Slta; Hanuman lifting the Sanjivi hill;
Rama seated on the shoulders of Hanuman and fighting Ravaiia etc. Hanuman in
particular is depicted repeatedly in different poses. Worship of Hanuman, the
symbol of Hindu valour and prowess, became very popular during the days of Vijaya-
nagar empire (Fig. 19). He was glorified with many attributes of Vishnu and in
one figure, he is shown with Sankha , Chakra etc.

170 Sri Varadarafaswdmi Temple— Kdfichi

B. Scenes from KrishnSvatara

Scenes depicting Krishna-llla or the playful acts of Krishna were popular with
the Vijayanagar poets and artists. Several works appeared on the theme of the
Krishna legend such as Potana’s Bhagavata- pur ana, Virabhadra’s Jaimini Bhdrata,
Krishnadeva Raya’s Jdmbavati Kalyanam and Timmana’s Parijatapaharanam. Similarly
there was a spurt in the sculpture representation too. He is depicted in three stages :
as a child, as a mischievous little boy full of fun and frolic and fond of stealing milk
and butter and as a grown-up man affording protection to the cowherds. Some of the
scenes depicted are : Krishna killing the demon who came in the form of a bird (Baka-
sura) (Fig. 20); Krishna seated with a stolen pot of butter; tied to a stone-mortar
by Yasoda; dancing over the shoulders of the Gopis; making love with a Gopi and
at the same time stealthily taking butter from the pot kept on her head; stealing the
sarees and garments of the Gopis while they were taking bath in the Yamuna, i.e.,
Vastrdpaharana (Fig. 21) is found in the vahana-mandapa ; lifting the Govardhana hill
(Fig. 22); dancing over the hooded snake (Kaliyamardana—Fig. 23).

Some queer depictions like the astabhuja and dasabhuja Venugopala are also found.
In both of them Krishna stands cross-legged, playing on the flute. He has six weapons
in his hands and the two hands are engaged in playing on flute. The two extra hands
of Dasabhuja Venugopala hold flowers. The cows are shown to be spell-bound by the
divine music. The panchardtra-agama calls this form of Krishna by the name
Madana-Gopala. 13

C Dasavatara and other forms of Vishnu

Though the stories of Rama and Krishna dominate the sculptural scheme, other
forms of Vishnu like the Dasavatara have also received attention. All the ten incarna-
tions have been sculptured. Particularly popular were the incarnations of Narasimha
and Trivikrama. In the varaha-avatdra (Fig. 24), he is shown having the human form
and the face of a boar. His left leg is bent and made to rest on the jewelled hood
of the mythical serpent, Adisesha, representing the nether-world or patala-loka from
where the earth was delivered. Over the bent leg is seated the Bhu-devi the Goddess
of the earth, just rescued from ocean. In the Bhu-varaha panels at Mamallapuram,
Bhu-devi is seated on the right bent leg. 14 The depiction here is more formal.

Narasimhavatara is depicted in several scenes. The man-lion figure is shown advan-
cing towards Hiranya who lifts up the sword to strike. Narasimha overpowers him,
his right hand holding the neck and another catching hold of his crown while a third
tightly grips the sword-bearing hand of Hiranya, completely disarming him (Fig. 25).
A similar depiction in the Pallava style is found at the Vaikuntaperumal temple at
Kahchi. The next final act of Narasimha tearing the chest of Hiranya is also
depicted.

Trivikrama-avatdra is also depicted beautifully. Vishnu took this gigantic form
to stride the three worlds— the earth, the mid-world and the heaven. In Tamil he
is called Ulagalanda-Perumal, for whom there is a separate temple at Kanchi. Here
he is shown only with four hands unlike the Pallava figure of Mahabalipuram which
shows eight arms, as required by the Vaikhdnasa-dgama . 15

Vishnu as Mohini was a favourite theme and is found repeated at several places.
It represents Vishnu in the form of a charming and seductive lady, distributing

Iconography 171

the amrita to the dgvas. Siva requested Vishnu to curb the pride of the sages of
the Daruka forest. They were seduced and made to lose control of their senses.
This theme has given the Vijayanagar artists an opportunity to depict the female
form with all its voluptuousness. The rishis are shown clustering round her in a
sensuous frenzy (Fig. 26).

The rare form of Vishnu as Adimurthi or Vaikuntanatha is also found. He is
seated on the coiled serpent (Fig. 27). Astabhuja Vishnu is also represented. In one of
them he is shown dancing on the apasmdra like demon (like Nataraja). Vishnu on
Garuda (Gajendra-Varada) and as Hayagrlva is also shown, besides separate depic-
tion of Srl-devi and Bhu-devi.

D. Sthalapurana legends

The following incidents connected with the Sthalapurana of this temple have also
formed the subject matter of sculptures here.

Brahma with other sages engaged in the performance of the sacrifice at Kanchi.
Brahma’s consort Saraswati who was angry with her husband for not giving her
due honour induces the River Vegavati to flood the sacrificial altar and spoil it (Fig.
28). Narada who instigated Saraswati is also shown in the sculpture. From the
sacrificial fire emerged Vishnu in the Punyakoti vimana (Fig. 29).

E. Alvars and Acharyas

A few representations of the Alvars are also found. Tirumangai is represented as
a warrior-chieftain (Fig. 30), Perialvar and Nathamuni with cymbals, Kulasekhara
in his royal dress. By far the best representation is that of Tirukkachi-nambi,
found in many mandapas including the Tinikkachi-nambt-mandapa. He is depicted
in anjali in all humility carrying the alavatta , a long-handled fan (Fig. 31). Rama-
nuja getting initiation from Peria-nambi is also represented.

According to the Bhagavatapurana, Vedavyasa was one of the manifestations of
Vishnu. Hence, his representations are found in the Vishnu temples at Srlrangam
and Kanchi. The Vishnudarmdttara states that Vyasa should wear dark brown jatds
and should be shown with his four disciples, Sumantu, Jaimini, Paila and Vaisam-
payana. In this figure, the disciples are not clearly identifiable. Perhaps Sankara
was one.

F. Ayudapurushas and other celestial figures

Sudarsana or discus, the chief of Vishnu’s weapons, is personified. He stands
within a circle of flame. In another sculpture he is represented on the Garuda and
topped by the Adisesha. He has five faces and sixteen hands and carries Sitlas
(Fig 32).

Besides this, Gandharvas, Kinnaris and Yakshas are also shown.

G. Love scenes

Quite a number of sculptures depict intimate love-scenes. As in poetry, so in
sculpture, due place was given for the Sringara-rasa . Various explanations have
been given to justify their presence in a religious place, which need not be repeated
here. But what is to be noted is that such representations which were restrained

172 Sri Varadar&jasw&mi Temple — KSftchi

and limited increased in number and sensuousness during the Vijayanagar epoch.
They are to be seen repeated in almost all Vijayanagar and Nayak structures all over
South India. They are characteristic of the age which glorified joyous life and
happiness.

At the main entrance to the Kalyana-mandapa are the life-size representations of
Manmatha and Rati, embodiments of God and Goddess of Love in Indian mytho-
logy (Fig. 33). Manmatha or Kama is the son of Krishna and is believed to be
personification of everlasting manly beauty. He is seated on the swan (hamsa) and
is engaged in a sport of shooting an arrow of flowers from his bow made of sugar-
cane stalk. His consort Rati is riding merrily on a parrot.

Inside the mandapa , there are representations of royal courtesans, amorous couples
in numerous intimate and some even in obscene poses (Fig. 34).

H. Jesters and folk scenes

A comic touch is given to the whole treatment by the depiction of many royal
clowns, folk-dancers, acrobatic scenes and curious-headed animals. There is the
typical buffoon with his pot-belly, snub-nose and wide mouth in uncouth dance pose.
His cross-belt, wristlets, armlets, and the stylish head-gear show that he was a court-
jester (Fig. 35). Another dancing figure is playing on the drum Jalara tightly held
close to his chest. Two other street-jesters, possibly gypsies, are having two small
sticks or kolattams to play with one another. A gypsy girl or kuratti is depicted in
a dance pose. She is wearing a skirt instead of a saree and has an elaborate coif-
feur. Her little baby is tied close to her breasts in the typical fashion in which it is
done even today by the gypsies. The palm-leaf basket which she holds in her
hands is usually made by this gypsy class. 16

I. Portrait-sculptures

Representation of the mortals among the immortals was not popular in early
sculptures. Hence, portrait-sculptures of kings and queens are extremely few in the
Pallava and the Chola times. But in the Vijayanagar and the Nayak times, the
artists came out of this obsession and introduced portrait-sculptures of kings, chief-
tains etc., who patronised the temples. Thus the bronze-portraits of Krishnadeva
Raya and his queens are found at Tirumalai. Similarly, the portrait-sculptures of a
number of the Nayak rulers are found in Pudumandapam, Madurai. In our temple
also, there is a good sprinkling of such figures, both in stone relief and bronze. But
unfortunately, there are no labels and so they remain unidentified. Some tentative
identifications are suggested here.

In one of the pillars of the Kalyana-mandapa there is a royal figure. Since the
mandapa was built by A].agia Manavaja Jiyar in the 16th century, this may be of the
king Sadasiva or his predecessor Achyuta who visited this temple and performed
mukia-tuldbhara (Fig. 36). Similarly, in the four-pillared mandapa near the entrance
the representation may be that of Achyuta and his wife Varadambika. The portrait-
figure of Alagia Manavala Jiyar is found in several places—in a niche at the top of
the compound walls in the fourth prakara; in one of the pillars of the mandapa in
front of the Tayar shrine and also in the Kalyana-mandapa .

Iconography 173

Raja Todarmal

There are bronze figures of Raja Todarmal and his family at the entrance of the
fourth prakara (Fig. 37). They are kept in memory of his services to the temple at
a critical time. Of the three life-size statues, the central one is that of Todarmal
and the other two are probably his mother Mata Mohan De and his wife Pita Bibi.
He was a Hindu chieftain who served under Sadat-ulla-Khan, the first Nawab of the
Carnatic. He has the beard, dress and turban in the Muslim fashion. He did nota-
ble services to the Vishnu temples at Tirupati and Srirangam, where too his sta-
tues are kept.

NOTES

1. Peria Tirumoii , v. 8. 3.

2. 521 of 1919. ’

3. T.A. Gopinatha Rao : Elements , Vol. I, pp.
39-40.

4. Ibid.

5. T.N. Srimvasan : A Handbook of South
Indian Images (1954), p. 60.

6. Ill, Iyarpa, 1, v. 53.

7. T.A. Gopinatha Rao, op. cit., p. 251.

8. EL. XXIV, p. 90 ff.

9. I. Thousand.

10. 493 of 1919. The images at Srlperumbudur,
Srirangam and Melkote are believed to have

been prepared during the last days of
Ramanuja.

11. A similar scene is found in the Kalydna-
mandapa at Hazara Rama temple, Hampi.

12. J.O.R., Vol. 28, pp. 68-73.

13. H.K. Sastri, South Indian Images (1916),
p. 23.

14. T.A. Gopinatha Rao, op. cit., pp. 132 ff*
Plate XXXVI.

15 Ibid.

16. Similar gypsy sculptures are seen in the
Minakshi temple, Madurai, Xndal temple
at Srivilliputtur etc.

CHAPTER X

PAINTING AND OTHER ARTS

General features

The art of painting which was cultivated by the Pallava kings to a limited extent
reached the zenith of glory under Rajaraja Chola the Great, as exemplified by the
specimens available in the Great Temple, Thanjavur. Subsequent to this period the
art seems to have suffered for want of patronage. But the art witnessed a revivalism
and fresh impetus in the Vijayanagar epoch when a great spurt in the painting-art
was noticeable in many of their temples. Numerous specimens are available at
places like Somapalli in Chittoor District, Lepakshi 1 in Anantapur District of Andhra
Pradesh, Hampi and Anagondi. 2 Kanchipuram which received ample patronage
from the Vijayanagar monarchs like Krishnadeva Raya, Achyuta Raya, Sadasiva
Raya, Venkata-II and others in architectural and sculptural spheres did not fail to
attract the Vijayanagar painters also. Thus the specimens of the Vijayanagar paintings
are to be seen in the Varadarajaswami temple and the Jain temple at Tiruparuttikun-
ram at Kanchi. 8 But the former are comparatively less known and no separate
study of them has been made so far.

Section 1

PAINTINGS

Places where paintings are found

In the Varadarajaswami temple the paintings are found on the walls of the outer
verandah surrounding the central shrine. The wall-space is divided into a number
of crudely drawn compartments in which are accommodated the painted panels.
The figures are large-sized and bold, but much defaced and darkened. Traces of
vandalism are clearly seen, especially with the caste-mark on the paintings.

Subject-matter

The subject-matter of the paintings is religious. It is limited in range. Scenes
from the sthalapurana of the temple, Alvars and Achdryas and the presiding deities of
the various Divya-desas or sacred Vishnu temples are portrayed. Most of the paintings
contain labels in Tamil and Telugu in the script which is clearly of the 16th ! century
A.D. We shall study these paintings under three groups :

(i) Scenes from the sthalapurana

(1) Gajendra-Varada panel : Varada mounted on Garuda comes to rescue the

elephant from the clutches of the crocodile. The elephant is shown crying for help

176 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple— Kanchi

with its uplifted trank. The small square below the elephant is the tank.

(2) Varadaraja as he emerged in the resplendent Punyakoi i- vimana .

(ii) Alvars and Acharyas

At a few places Nammalvar and Ramanuja are depicted with characteristic poses.
Nammalvar is depicted as at his birth-place Alvar Tirunagari (Tirunelveli District).
He is seated in the yogic posture and on either side of him are shown in a smaller
scale ail the other Alvars and Ramanuja. The idea that Nammalvar or Satagopa is
the central figure among Srl-Vaishnava preceptors is well portrayed here. The label
above mentions the place as ‘ Tirunagari-sthalam \ In another painting, the famous
scene of the three saints ‘Mudal Alvars’ or ‘First Alvars’ meeting at a place called
Tirukkolur and having a vision of Lord Tiruvikrama is depicted.

(iii) The majority of the figures are those of the presiding deities of many of sacred
Srl-Vaishnava centres (Divya-desas). The labels above mention details like the place-
name, the presiding deity therein, the sacred tXrtha , the sage to whom the Lord gave a
vision. Places beyond the borders of Tamilnad like Ahobilam in Andhra Pradesh
and Naimi-saranyam in Upper India have also been included. Some of the places and
deities portrayed are :

1. Vishnu as anantasayi (reclining on the Serpent Ananta) from the place named
Tirukkolur in Tirunelveli District of Tamilnad. It was the birth-place of Madu-
rakavi-alvar, a direct disciple of Nammalvar. The Goddess Kolur-Valli Tayar is
shown in a small inset-shrine on the right side of the main deity; on the left is
Garuda in anjali pose.

2. Vishnu in standing posture from Tirukkandiyur in Thanjavur District, on his
right Komalavalli Tayar is shown seated in a shrine.

3. Vishnu seated in ardhaparyankasana and flanked by Sri and Bhu, also seated,
from the temple Tanjaimamanikkoil in Thanjavur; on the deity’s left stands a
sage or rishi with the jata and the beard. The name of the Goddess is men-
tioned as Sembakavalli Tayar.

4. Vishnu as Narasimha from Ahobilam in Andhra Pradesh. Narasimha is depic-
ted in different poses— seated in the yogic form in the utkutika posture; seated
in padmdsana; seated with Lakshmi on his lap (Lakshmi-Narasimha form) and
then at the extreme right, lower panel, he is depicted in the act of killing
Hiranya. Depiction is vigorous and fine.

5. One other painting near the steps is not clearly identifiable (Fig. 38). At the
top are seen Chandra or the Moon-God, a sage and the Garuda— all in anjali
pose probably worshipping the Lord. At the bottom, the Godde*ss is seated in a
shrine. Brahma (three-headed) and another DSva, probably Indra, are worshipping
the Goddess. The name of the place is not indicated. Probably it is Naimi-
saranyam in North India.

Besides these, Vishnu in reclining posture from places like Srirangam and Pad-
manabapuram; in standing posture from places like Tirumalai is depicted at different
places. The Dasavatarcts or the ten-incarnations of Vishnu have also been drawn.
But most of them have been blurred and considerably spoiled.

Painting and Other Arts 177

Technique of painting

Dr. Paramasivam, who has done some considerable scientific analysis of the Chola
and Vijayanagar paintings at Thanjavur and other places, has observed that the paint-
ings of the Vijayanagar times were generally done in the technique known as fresco -
Secco as distinct from the fresco technique adopted by the Chola artists. 4 The former
method consists in mixing the pigments with lime water and applying it over the wet
plaster. The Chola paintings had to be done before the wet plaster could dry up.
Hence, they required dexterous and swift hand on the part of the artist. But in the
fresco-Secco process of the Vijayanagar days, the painting was done on the dry wall.
This process did not require the skill and quickness in execution. As Dr. Paramasi-
vam remarks, 'the five centuries that separate the Chola art from the Vijayanagar
art mark a period when slow decadence set in not only over the art of painting, but
also in the technique of the process of painting’. 5

Colour-scheme and stylistic features

Most of the colour has vanished or become dull and what remains can only be seen
in patches. Still in some places the brightness of the colours especially in the golden
ones is retained. Originally, the colours should have been strong. The colours discer-
nible are red, yellow, light green and white. Light yellow has been used for the body
complexion of the Alvars and acharyas while light green or blue is used for the body
complexion of deities like Ranganatha. Red has been used for the garments, while
golden colour has been used to denote jewels like necklaces, bangles etc. For the God-
desses and the devotees, mineral colours seem to have been used.

The background is adorned with simply drawn flowers, creepers and trees in white
pigments against dark background. Ornamental exaggeration in depicting flowers and
clouds is noticeable. The paintings are of course conventional and in a few places
much stylised. But the majority of them are in good form and proportion having
clear conception. Many of the figures have the feet directed to one side and there-
fore shown in half or three-fourth profile — a characteristic feature of the Vijayanagar
and the Nayak style. But the majority of the figures, as those of Nammalvar
and other deities, are shown in full frontal view. The figures have
somewhat pointed nose and elongated eyes whose upper eye-lid is drawn
in. In a few instances such as the Gajendra-Varada panel and the Nara-
simha panel there is an attempt to show movements. But otherwise, there is none
of the graceful or rhythmic movement displayed in the earlier styles. Many of the
features noticed in the sculptures of the Katyana-mandapa characterised these paintings
also such as the fondness to exhibit the jewelled crown and other jewellery like neck-
laces, armlets, anklets etc., elaborately folded draperies with hard, flat curves of their
designs, heavy stress laid on the many curves in the flesh folds of the neck, belly etc.

Date of the paintings

These paintings display unmistakable kinship with the well-known Vijayanagar
paintings at Lepakshi and Tirupparuttikunram at Kanchi itself. The theme as well
as the style of the dress and the headgears of figures are similar to the sculptural
traditions found in the Kalydna-mandapa of the temple and as such can be dated
certainly to the middle of the 16th century A.D. The palaeography of the letters

178 Sri Varadarajaswami T emple—Kanchi

found in the labels clearly confirms this. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya is inclined to
date the paintings of the Varadarajaswami temple slightly earlier i.e., the beginning
of the 16th century. According to him they are ‘far superior to the Lepakshi paint-
ings’ though he does not explain in what way they are. 6 Though some of the paintings
of our temple compare well with those of Lepakshi, the majority of them depict the
deities in their formal static pose. They display less flexibility and grace than those
of Lepakshi or even Tirupparuttikunram. In the latter places attempts at portraying
narrative panels depicting connected episodes are there, which are conspicuous by
their absence in the paintings of Varadaraja temple. The colours are not so subdued.
Hence, the paintings of the Varadarajaswami temple can at best be dated to the latter half
of the 16th century and in style they seem to be closely following those of Lepakshi.

Section 2

WOOD CARVINGS

The temple is also a treasure-house of wood-carvings. A number of vahanas or
processional vehicles are all made of wood and covered even by copper-plate. The
vahanas , such as the Garuda, Hanuman, elephant, horse, swan, lion, vyali etc., are
massive in size and beautiful in form. These vehicles are mentioned even in an
inscription datable to the 13th century A.D. 7 Later, the serpent vehicle was present-
ed to this temple in about A.D. 1511 by the Madhva-guru, Vyasa-tirtha. 8 Again,
in the beginning of the 17th century, Ettur Kumara Tatacharya is said to have pre-
sented a number of vahanas, though the names are not specified. 9 There are also
two beautiful palanquins made of wood.

Temple car

But the finest specimen of wood-work is the magnificent Ratha or the wooden-
car of the temple. Nearly 60 ft. in height, it is a veritable temple on wheels. The
wheels are about ten feet in diameter. Over the wheels is the basement of the
Ratha which is schematically a prototype of the temple adhistana with all its
different horizontal divisions — deeply recessed portions alternating with the pro-
jecting bands— all intricately carved with multifarious patterns.

Over the massive and richly decorated base is the portion corresponding to the
wall (, pada ) portion of the temple. But here of course there is no wall but instead
a cluster of wooden pillars. In the centre is a high pedestal where the deities are
placed. Over the pillars is the prastara portion represented by the canopy or the
superstructure in the form of a tapering vimana composed of diminishing tiers of
wooden rafters. In short, the Ratha has all the complements of a shrine.

We can have a closer look at the adhistana portion of the Ratha of this temple
and note its plastic details. On the whole, it is made up of three recessed parts
separated by two projecting bands or pattikas. The recessed portions are occupied
by an array of carved panels, interspersed by turret-like pavilions. The panels pre-
sent various deities and puranic themes all carved in high relief. At the bottom are
a series of Bhuta-ganas or amazons who carry, as it were, the entire weight of the
Ratha on their shoulders. In the next panel are seen the carved figures of seated
Narasimha, GaiiSsa and Vishnu on Garuda, Rati and Manmatha. In the comers
are the galloping horses with mounted warriors. In the next recessed panel are

Painting and Other Arts 179

shown a continuous array of figures of warriors on horse-back. In the corners
are shown the rampant vyali.

In the third and the last upper panel are carved a series of mitkrna or erotic
figures including erotic poses of women. They evidently represent the gopis or the
cowherd-women with whom little Krishna sported. In one place, Krishna is shown
embracing a gopi who is carrying a pot on her head.

The projecting horizontal pattilcas or bands that separate the panelled portions of
the plinth are decorated in the form of expanded lotus-petals and a number of deco-
rative bulbous pendants hang out from the bands. While the car is on the move,
these bulbous pendants would swing against one another and create a plethora of
bell-like sounds.

It is one of the most beautiful temple-cars of South India. It bears close affinity
to the decorative style adopted for the Kalyana-mandapa inside the Varadaraja temple.
In fact, the motifs and themes of sculpture are almost the same and very characteris-
tic of the style of the Yijayanagar period. In an inscription dated A.D. 1517, king
Krishnadeva Raya is reported to have donated a car to this temple and it is not
unlikely the present car was the one donated by him. 10 The wooden car has been
protected well against weathering by covering it over by well-knit coconut leaves in
the olden times and with the zinc sheets at present.

Section 3

JEWELLERY

The practice of adorning the images, particularly those used during processions,
with numerous jewels, set with precious stones, encouraged the jewellers’ art to a
considerable extent. We get several instances of both gold and jewels donated to
the temple. Thus in A.D. 1053, a private individual donated golden ear-ornaments
to the deity. 11 Naralokavira, the minister of Kulottunga-I, fixed a golden pinnacle
over the shrine of Ranganatha within this temple. 12 In about A.D. 1126, 197J
kalahju of gold and a golden vessel named sahasradhara (a plate with thousand holes
used for bathing the deities) were donated by an individual. 13 In the 13th century,
a military chieftain Kalingarayan presented to the deity a yajndpanta in gold. 14 In
A.D. 1524, a Vijayanagar officer Rayasam Sripadayya donated a jewelled pendant to
the God. 15 In S 1454 (A.D. 1532), king Achyutadeva Raya presented a conch,
a discus and urdhvaptindram—all made of gold and studded with gems and dia-
monds. 16 He also gave a pendant and a necklace set with gems and pearls. Among
the gems mentioned are emerald ( pachai ), opalescent gem (vaiduryam), sapphire (ml am)
and coral. 17 But some of the later ones are intact. For instance the famous Nlla-
vandu-padakkam and other padakkam donated by Alagia-manavala-Jlyar in the 16th
century are still the prized possession. Lord Clive presented a gem-set makara-
kandi for the deity which displays rare workmanship. Another makarakandi noted
for its exquisite beauty is known as Anantdchdr-makarakandi presented by Prativati
Bhayankaram Anantacharya in the middle of the 19th century. In the same century,
Mr. Place, the Collector of Chingleput district, in charge of the temple administra-
tion, presented jewels used as head-ornaments. Several other devotees have given
large presents to the temple so that today it possesses about 600 ornaments. These

ISO Sri Varadarajaswami Temple— Katichi

include, among other things, ear-ornaments, kavachas or coverings over the body,
kintas or crowns of different shapes, conical, circular and bulbous, urdhvapundra t
nose-ornaments for the Goddesses, necklaces, pendants etc.

NOTES

1. C. Sivaramamurti, Vijayanagar Paintings
from the Temple tit Lepakshi , Vij. Sex
Cen. Com. Volume, p. 75 ff.

2. S. Paramasivam, The Vijayanagar Paintings ,
Vij. Sex Cen. Com. Vol., p. 87 ff.

3. T.N. Ramachandran, The Tirupparuttikunram
and its Temples.

4. S. Paramasivam, op. cit., pp. 90-100.

5. Ibid. Also see K.R. Srinivasan, South
Indian Paintings in the Proceedings of the
Indian History Congress (Allahabad, 1944)
for the elucidation of the techniques in
various periods.

6. Dr. Venkataramanayya’s opinion as ex-
pressed to Dr. S. Paramasivam personally

is quoted by the latter in his article, “The
Vijayanagar Paintings ” in the Vij. Sex
Cen. Com. Volume, p. 92.

7. S.I.T.I., I, No. 345.

8. S.I.T.L, 370 of 1919.

9. 475 of 1919.

10. 641 of 1919.

11. 519 of 1919.

12. 473 of 1919.

13. 516 of 1919.

14. 430 of 1919.

15. 413 of 1919.

16. S.I.I., VII, p. 54.

17. Ibid , No. 53.

APPENDIX

The following is a select list of inscriptions of the Varadarajaswami temple, classi-
fied according to the dynasty, king and date. The last column gives references to
the numbers to the inscriptions given in the Epigraphical Reports. References to the
originals wherever published are also given.

King

Date given in the
inscription

Equivalents in
A.D.

Reference (unless otherwise
stated, all inscription Nos. be-
long to the Epigraphical Re-
port for year 1919)

1

2

3

4

CHOLAS

R§.jadhiraja~I

32nd regnal

A.D. 1050

519

(A.D. 1018-1054)

year

Kulottunga-I

3rd year

A.D. 1073

522

(A.D. 1070-1120)

36th year

A.D. 1106

631

43rd year

A.D. 1113

49 of 1893, S.I.I.,

IV, 862

45th year

A.D. 1115

632

Nil

—

635

Vikrama-Chola

8th year

A.D. 1126

516

(A.D. 1118-1135)

9th year

A.D. 1127

436

10th year

A.D. 1128

440, 520,

S.I.T.I., I, 410

11th year

A.D. 1129

590

17th year

A.D. 1135

471

Nil

—

440

Rljaraja-II

3rd year

A.D. 1149

465

(A.D. 1146-1173)

Nil

—

389

Rajadhiraja-II

14th year

A.D. 1177

48 of 1893;

(A.D. 1163-1179)

S.I.I., IV, 861

Kulottunga-lII

3rd year

A.D. 1181

403

(A.D. 1178-1216)

4th year

A.D. 1182

477; S.I.T.I.,

I, 355

182 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple — Kdnchi

Rajaraja-III
(A.D. 1216-1246)

2 3 4

ICth year

A.D. 1188

36 of 1893;

IV, 849

1 1 th year

A.D. 1189

554

12th year

A.D. 1190

494

13th year

A.D. 1191

517 and 620;
S.I.T.I.. I, 367

14th year

A.D. 1192

390, 487 and 493;
S.I.T.I., I, 391

I7th year

A.D. 1195

371 and 372;
40 of 1893;
S.I.I., IV, 853

1 8th year

A.D. 1196

558;

S.I.T.L, I, 409

23rd year

A.D. 1201

348 and 360

26th year

A.D. 1204

402, 452

29th year

A.D. 1207

456

30th year

A.D. 1208

453

32nd year

A.D. 1210

521, S.I.T.L,
I, 422

34th year

A.D. 1212

361

35 th year

A.D. 1213

346, 417 and 589

36 th year

A.D. 1215

435; S.I.T.I., III,
Pt. II, 1205,

Ibid , I, 428

37th year

A.D. 1215

451; S.I.T.L,
I, 396

7th year

A.D. 1223

351

1 0th year

A.D. 1226

514

11th year

A.D. 1227

598, S.I.T.I.,
I, 383

13 th year

A.D. 1229

404; S.I.T.I.,
I, 377

14th year

A.D. 1230

367, 359, 385
and 408

1 5th year

A.D. 1231

432, 463 & 464

16th year

A.D. 1232

427, 457

17th year

A.D. 1233

395, 416, 460, 468
S.I.T.L, I, 402, 404

18th year

A.D. 1234

357, 392, 455, 594,
S.I.T.L, I, 349

19th year

A.D. 1235

345 and 627,
S.I.T.L, I, 393

20th year

A.D. 1236

437, 617, S.I.T.L,
Pt. II, No. 1201

Appendix 183

1

2

3

4

21st year

A.D. 1237

358, 387, 400, 560,
596, 621, 622;
S.I.T.I., I, 402, 381

22nd year

A.D. 1238

366, 391, 396,399,
415, 555;

S.I.T.I., I, 398,401

23rd year

A.D. 1239

368, 388

24th year

A.D. 1240

559, 570, 612, 615,
661 ; S.I.T.L, III,
Pt. I, 1200;

Ibid , I, 416

25th year

A.D. 1241

607, 609

26th year

A.D. 1242

551, 552, 557, 610;
SITI, I, 356, 408

27th year
28th year

A.D. 1243

403

29th year

A.D. 1245

352, 566, SITI,
I, 426

31st year A.D. 1247

TELUGU-CHODAS

566

Tamnra-Siddhi

S 1127

A.D. 1204-05

35 of 1893; Ep. Ind.,
VII, p. 152

2nd year

A.D. 1225

556, 563, SITI,
I, 407, 417

7th year

A.D. 1230

46 of 1893;
SII, IV, 859

Tikka-I alias

S 1153

A.D. 1231

446

Madurantaka-

Pottappi

S 1157

A.D. 1235

34 of 1893;
SIT, IV, 847

Tirukkalattideva

Nil

—

391

alias Gandago-
paladBva (c. A.D.
1223-1250)

21st year

A.D. 1244

387; SITI, I, 402

Maxima Siddha-II

3rd year

A.D. 1253

565

Vijayaganda-

5th year

A.D. 1255

538

gopala (A.D.

6th year

A.D. 1256

562

1250-1291)

7th year

A.D. 1257

571

8th year

A.D. 1258

393; SITI, 1,341

9th year

A.D. 1259

428, SITI, I, 359

14th year

A.D. 1264

539; SITI, I, 414

15th year

A.D. 1265

35 and 36 of 1890;
SII, IV, 358, 359

184 Sri VaradarSjaswami Temple — KdRchi

1

2

3

4

16th year

A.D. 1266-67

539, 568, 637;

17th year

A.D. 1267

SITI, I, 379, 414
39 of 1893;

18th year

A.D. 1268

SII, IV, 852
491, 537;

20th year

A.D. 1270

SITI, I, 413
492

21st year

A.D. 1271

405, 501, 503

23rd year

A.D. 1273

409

31st year

A.D. 1281

500

Vira-Gandagopala

3rd year

A.D. 1293

603 of 1919

(c. A.D. 1290-1316)

Kopperunjingadeva

11th year

KADAVARAYA
A.D. 1253

353

(c. A.D. 1229-1278)

14th year

A.D. 1254-55

450; SITI, I, 395

15th year

A.D. 1257

350

S 1182

A.D. 1260

38 of 1890; SII, IV, 361

19th year

A.D. 1261

365

20th year

A.D. 1262

356

Jatavaraan Sundara

5th year

PANDYA

A.D. 1256

52 of 1893 and 488;

Pandya-I (acc.
A.D. 1251)

15th year

A.D. 1266

SII, IV, 865
485 and 486

Jatavarman Vlra

8 th year

A.D. 1261

483

Pandya (acc. A.D.
1253 Co-regent)

Vira Kulasekhara

___

480

(A.D. 1268-1308)

Maravarman Vik-

6th year

A.D. 1289

640

rama PSntfya

(acc. A.D. 1283)

Ravlvarmali Kula-

46th year

CHERA

A.D. 1312-13

34 of 1890; Ep. Ind.

sekhara

IV, 145

Appendix 185

1

2

3

4

KAKATIYA

Prataparndra-II
(A.D. 1295-1326)

§ 1238

A.D. 1316

43 of 1893; Ep. Ind.
VII, p. 128 ff

SAMBUVARAYA

Champa alias
Vira-Champaraya

§ 1236

A.D. 1314

51 of 1893; Ep. Ind.
Ill, p. 71

Rajanarayana
Sambuvaraya
(A.D. 1337-1360)

7th year
14th year

A.D. 1344
A.D. 1351

604; SITI, I, 345
524

HOYSALA

Ballala-III
(A.D. 1291-1342)

Bhavaka

Mithuna

A.D. 1335

401; SITE, I, 397
572, 573

VI JAY AN AGAR

Kampana-II
(c. A.D. 1364)

§ 1288
S 1296

A.D. 1366
A.D. 1374

33 of 1890
662; SITI, I, 375

Harihara-II
(A.D. 1377-1404)

S 1300

S 1307
S 1325

A.D. 1378

A.D. 1385"
A.D. 1404

31 and 32 of 1810;
SII, IV, 354, 355;
SITI, I, 350
SITI, I, 427
661; SITI, I, 373
-do- 412

Mallik&rjuna
(A.D. 1447-1465)

§ 1373

A.D. 1451
A.D. 1465

645

37 of 1890

Virupaksha-II
(A.D. 1465-1485)

§ 1393

A.D. 1471

613

Sajuva Narasimha
(A.D. 1486-1491)

§ 1408
S 1409

A.D. 1486
A.D. 1487

667; SITI, I, 351
646; SITI, I, 348

Vxra-Narasinga
(A.D. 1505-1509)

§ 1431

A.D. 1509

601; SITI, I, 411

KrishnadSva Raya

§ 1431

A.D. 1509-10

411

186 Sri Varadard jaswami Temple — KdZchi

1

(A.D. 1509-1529)

Achyutaraya
(A.D. 1529-1542)

Sadasiva Raya
(A.D. 1542-1576)

2 3 4

S 1433

A.D. 1511

370

S 1436

A.D. 1514

478

S 1438

A.D. 1516

474; 659;
SITI, I, 392

S 1438

A.D. 1516-17

660; SITI, I, 391

S 1439

A.D. 1517

641; SITI, I, 384

S 1443

A.D. 1521

412; SITI, I, 346

§ 1446

A.D. 1524

375, 413

S 1448

A.D. 1527

599

S 1449

A.D. 1528

439, 418

£ 1450

A.D. 1529

633

S 1451

A.D. 1529

512

§ 1451

A.D. 1529-30

384; SITI, I, 357

£ 1452

A.D. 1530

374, 449 and 646;
SITI, I, 378

£ 1453

A.D. 1531

481; SITI, 1 ,342

£ 1454

A.D. 1532 ,

472, 541, 543 to 546
and 549, SII, IV, Nos.
53 and 54

£ 1455

A.D. 1533

511, 584, SITI, I, 406

£ 1455

A.D. 1534

547

£ 1456

A.D. 1535

581

£ 1457

A.D. 1536

655, 536; SITI, I, 389

£ 1459

A.D. 1537-38

422; SITI, I, 354
and 376

§ 1460

A.D. 1538

575 and 579

£ 1461

A.D. 1640

373, 600; SITI, I, 358

S 1462

A.D. 1541

577, SITI, I, 361

S 1464

A.D. 1542

614; SITI, I, 353

£ 1466

A.D. 1544

484 and 529

§ 1467

A.D. 1545

529

£ 1467

A.D. 1546

525

§ 1469

A.D. 1547

527, 561

§ 1470

A.D. 1548

482, 507, SITI, I, 365

£ 1471

A.D. 1549

530, 532;
SITI, I, 365

§ 1472

A.D. 1550

582

§ 1473

A.D. 1551

504, 509, 580, 591

§ 1474

A.D. 1552

496; SITI, I, 405

£ 1475

A.D. 1553

495

£ 1477

A.D. 1555

653; SITI, I, 390

£ 1480

A.D. 1558

535, SITI, I, 347

Appendix 187

12 3 4

S 1482

A.D. 1560

448

S 1484

A.D 1562

443

S 1491

A.D. 1570

652

Sriranga-I

S 1493

A.D. 1572

380, SITI, I, 369

(A.D. 1572-1585)

S 1496

A.D. 1574

383; SITI, I, 343

S 1504

A.D. 1582

479 and 588;
SITI, I, 415

S 1505

A.D. 1583

586

Vgnkata-I

§ 1509

A.D. 1587

531; SITI, I, 423

(A.D. 1586-1614)

S 1510

A.D. 1588

587; SHT, I, 360

S 1513

A.D. 1591

421

S 1514

A.D. 1592

381; SITI, I, 368

S 1517

A.D. 1595

382; SITI, I, 370

S 1527

A D. 1605

379

Venkata-III
(A.D. 1630-1642)

§ 1564

A.D. 1642

502 of 1919

Nil

§ 1564

A.D. 1642

505

S 1581

A.D. 1659

567; SITI, I, 388

§ 1582

A.D. 1660

540; 542

§ 1599

AD. 1677

398; SITI, I, 419

§ 1609

A,D. 1687

423

S 1632

A.D. 1710

639; SITI, III,
Part I, 1207

g 1636

A.D. 1714
MOGHULS

425

Alamghir Pasha

§ 1645

A.D. 1723

424; SITI, I, 386

Muhammad of
Delhi

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

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A. Epigraphical

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Acharya Hridayam published with commentary by B.M. Purushottama Naidu
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Desika-Prabhandam published with commentary by N.V. Srirama Desikan (Kumba-
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Desika-Stdtras do

Devadiraja-Panchagam by Doddayacharya.

Devarajashtagam by Tirukkachi-nambi.

Devaraja-mangalam by Manavala Mahamuni.

Divyatfesa Sangraha Sldkamalika by Manavala Mahamuni.

Divyasuri-charita by Garudavahana Panditar.

Guruparamparai (Vadakalai version).

GuruparamparaLPrabhavam by Pinbalagia-Perumal Jiyar (Ed. by S. Krishnamacharya,
1927).

Hamsa Sandesam, Vedanta DSsika. . _ . _ , .

Hastigiri Mahatmiyam , published with translation by Prativati Bhayankaram Annan-

garacharya, Kanchi, 1953. , , , _ , „ . . ,

Jayakhya-Samhita with an interpolated chapter published by Embar Krishnamacha-

riar (Baroda, 1931).

Etindraprnava-prabhavam by Pillai Lokam Jiyar.

Etiraja-Saptati by Vedanta Desika. .

Kalingat tupparani by Jayankondar, published by A. Gopala Aiyar.

190 Sri Varadarajaswami Temple — Kanchi

Koil-Olugu (Srirangam Temple Chronicle) published by V.N. Hari Rao, Madras,
1961.

Madura Vijayam by Gangadevi published by S. Thiruvenkatachari, Annamalai
University Press.

Manimekhalai published by U.V. Swaminatha Aiyar.

Nalayira Divya Prabhandam.

Nyayakulisa by Atreya Ramanuja, Ed. by R. Ramanujachari and K. Srinivasacharya
(Annamalai, 1938).

PattupattUt Ed. by U V. Swaminatha Aiyar (Madras, 1950).

Paratwadi-Panchagam by Nadadur Ammal.

Peria-tirumudiyadaivu by Kandadaiyappan.

Prapanndmritam by Anantacharya. Also see English translation of extracts in

S. K. Iyengar’s ‘Sources of Vijayanagar History’.

Rahasyatrayasara by Vedanta Desika text with commentary by M.R. Rajagopala
Aiyangar (Kumbakonam, 1956).

Ramanuja-di vya-charitam by Pillai Lokam Jiyar.

Satyavrta Mahatmiyam or Meivrta Manmiyam by Vedanta Desika.

Tirumalai-Olugu (Tirumalai Temple Chronicle), pub. by K. Balasundara Naicker,

T. T.D.

Timenkata-Ula, Ed. by T.K. Palaniappa Pillai (J. Vol. XI, 1950).

Tondaimandala Sadakam.

Upadesaratnamalai by Manavala Mahamuni.

Vaibhava-prakasika by Doddayacharya.

Vaibhava-prakdsika of Alagia-manavala-Jlyar matha (unpublished Manuscripts lying
in the matha).

Varadaraja Pahchasat by Vedanta Desika.

Varadarajastavam by Kurattalvar.

—do— by Appayya Dikshitar.

Varavaramuni-Sadakam, Erumbiappa.

Velugotisvarivamsavali , Ed. by N.V. Ramanayya (Madras, 1939).

Vishnudharmottara.

Yapperungala Virutti by Gunasagara.

II. Modern Works

Acharya P.K. A Dictionary of Hindu Architecture (London).

Annangaracharya P.B. Varadan Sannidi Varalaru (Tamil, Kanchi, 1955).

Divyaprabhanda Divydrtha Dipikai (Tamil, Madras, 1921).
Varavaramunindra-Ganthamalai (Kanchi, 1966).

Purvacharya Vaibhavam (Kanchi, 1950).

Appadorai A. Economic Conditions of South India (Madras, 1936),

2 volumes.

Aravamudan T.G. South Indian Portraits (London, 1930).

Bhandarkar R.G. Vaishnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems

(Strassburg, 1913).

Balasubramanian S.R. Four Chola Temples (Bombay, 1963).

Barret Douglas Early Chola Bronzes.

Select Bibliography 191

Basham A.L. The wonder that was India (London, 1954).

Brown Percy Indian Architecture (Buddhist and Hindu), 3rd Edn.

Cambridge History of India (1929), Vol. V.

Crole C.S. Manual of Chingleput District (Madras, 1879).

Cultural Heritage of India, Ramakrishna Mission, Calcutta, 2 Vols.

Das Gupta S.

Derret Duncan
Desikacharya N.

Dodwell
Duboil, Abbe J.
Dubreuil J.

Fergusson James
Foster W.

Gopalan R.

Gopinatha Rao, T.A.

Govindacharya A.

Gravely F.H. and T.N.
Ramachandran

Gravely F.H.

Hari Rao Y.N.

Harle James
Hayavadana Rao C.

Heras Rev. Fr.

A History of Indian Philosophy (Cambridge, 1952).

The Hoysalas (Madras, 1957).

The Origin and Growth of Sri Brahma Tantra Parakala
Mutt (Bangalore, 1949).

Dupleix and Clive, London, 1920.

Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies.

The Dravidian Architecture (Pondicherry, 1920).

History of India and Eastern Architecture.

English Factories in India from 1618 (1906-27), 2 vols.
(London, 1910).

History of Pallavas of Kahchi (Madras, 1928).

Elements of Hindu Iconography (Madras, 1914).

History of Sn-Vaishnavism.

The Holy Lives of the Alvars (Mysore, 1902).

The Life of Ramanujacharya (Madras, 1906).

Three Main Styles of Temple Architecture (Madras, 1934).
Catalogue of Hindu Metal Images in the Madras
Government Museum.

The Gopuras of Tiruvannamalai (Madras, 1959).

The Srirangam Temple (Tirupati, 1967).

Temple Gateways in South India, Oxford, 1963.

Mysore Gazetteer— 5 volumes (1930).

History of Mysore — 2 vols. (Bangalore, 1943).

The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara (Madras, 1927).

History and Culture of Indian People. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 10 vols.

Jagadisa Aiyar P.V
Kanakasabhai V.
Kramrisch Stella

South Indian Shrines.

The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago (Madras, 1904).
Hindu Temple, 2 vols. (Calcutta, 1946).

Vishnu Darmottara — English translation.

Krishnaswami Aiyangar Sources of Vijayanagar History.

A History of Tirupati (1952), 2 vols.

Early History of Vaishnavism in S. India (Madras, 1920).
South India and Her Muhammedan Invaders (Madras,
1921).

Ancient India and South India and^Culture, 2 vols. (Poona,
1941).

South Indian Images of Gods and Goddesses (Madras,
1916).

The Hindu Conception of the Deity as Culminating in
Ramanuja (London, 1934).

Love H.D. Vestiges of Old Madras, 3 vols. (1913).

Krishna Sastri H.

Kumarappa Bharatan

192 Sri VaradarBjaswatni Temple — Kanchi

Longhurst J.H.
Mallayya

Mahalingam T.V.

Nagaswami R.
Nilakanta Sastri K.A.

Nilakanta Sastri K.A.
and Venkataramanayya
Orme Robert

Otto Schrader
Pillai K.K.

Raghava Aiyangar M.

Rajan S.R.
Ramachandra
Dikshitar Y.R.
Ramachandran T.N.
Raman K.V.

Rangacharya K.
Saletore, B.A.

Sarkar D.C.

Sathianata Aiyar R.

Satyanata Singh
Sethu Pillai R.P.
Sewel Robert

Sivaramamurti C.

Smith Daniel
Soundara Rajan K.V.
Srinivasan K,R.
Srinivasan P.R.

The Humpi Ruins (Madras, 1917).

Studies in Sanskrit Texts on Temple Architecture (Annama-
lainagar, 1949).

Administration and Social Life under the Vijayanagar
(Madras, 1940).

Economic Life in the Vijayanagar Empire (Madras, 1951).
Ed. Seminar on Inscriptions (Madras, 1968).

Cholas (Madras, 1955).

Studies in Chdla History and Administration (Madras,
1932).

A History of South India (Madras, 1958).

The Pandyan Kingdom (London, 1929).

Foreign Notices of South India (Madras, 1939).

Further Sources of Vijayanagar History— 3 vols. (Madras,
1946).

History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation
in Indostan (Madras, 1861).

Introduction to the Pancharatra (Adyar, 1916).

The Sucmdram Temple (Madras, 1953).

Araichi Toguti (Tamil, Madras, 1964).

Alvargal Kalanilai.

Srirangam, Alvars and Acharyas (Tamil, Srirangam, 1953).
Studies in Tamil Literature and History (Madras, 1936).

Tirupparuttikunram and its temples (Madras, 1934).

The Early History of the Madras Region (Madras, 1959).
Some Aspects of Pandyan History (Madras, 1972).

The Sri-Vaishnava Brahmanas (Madras, 1931).

Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagar Empire, 2 vols.
(Madras, 1934).

Successors of the Satavahanas (Calcutta, 1939).

The Nayaks of Madurai (Madras, 1924).

Studies in the History of Tondaimandalam.

The Political and Cultural History— 3 vols. (Madras, 1952).
Vedanta Desika (Varanasi, 1958).

■Drum Perum (Tamil, Madras, 1946).

List of Antiquarian Remains in Madras Presidency, 2 vols.
(Madras, 1882, 1884).

A Forgotten Empire (London, 1924).

The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India (1932).

The Chola Temples (New Delhi, 1960).

South Indian Bronzes.

Pancharatra Prasada-Prasada (Madras, 1963).

Indian Temple Styles (New Delhi, 1972).

Pallava Architecture.

South Indian Bronzes (Madras Museum Publ).

Select Bibliography 193

Srinivasa Aiyangar M. Tamil Studies (Madras, 1914).

Srinivasan T.N. A Handbook of South Indian Images (Tirupati, 1954).

A Pilgrim Guide to Sri Devarajaswami Devasthanam,
Kanchi, 1957.

Srinivasachari C.S, A History of Gingee and its Rulers (Annamalai, 1943).
Anandarangam Pillai (1940).

Srinivasachari P.N. The Philosophy of Visishtadvaita (Adyar, 1943).
Subramania Ayyar Historical Sketches of Ancient Deccan (Madras, 1917).
Thurston Edgar Castes and Tribes in South India.

Tyagaraja Aiyar A.V. Indian Architecture, 2 vols. (1930).

Venkatarama Iyer K.R. The Hoysalas in Tamil Country.

Venkataramanayya N. The Origin of South Indian Temples.

Studies in the Third Dynasty of the Vijayanagar (Madras,
1935).

Venkatesa Aiyar History of Ahobilam Mutt.

Vriddagirisan The Nayaks of Tanjore (Annamalai, 1942).

Vijayanagara Sex Centenary Commemorative Volume.

Viraraghavachariar History of Tirupati, 2 vols., Tirupati.

T.K.

Yamunacharya M. Ramanuja’s Teachings in His Own Words (Bombay, 1963).

Annangaracharya P.B.
Devanathachari K.
Govindacharya A.

Mahalingam T.V.
Pillai K.K.

Raman K.V.

Ramanujacharya R.

III. Articles in Journals

Satsampradaya-Sarartha-raksha, Nos. 212-213 (Tamil),
Sri Ramanujan (July 1966).

Sri-Vaishnavism and its caste-marks, A.J.M.S. IV,
pp. 125-139.

Tenkalai and Vadakalai — JRAS, 1912, pp. 173-77.
Ashtadasabhedas, JRAS, 1910.

Artha Panchaga of Pillai Lokacharya, JRAS, 1900.

A Ramayana Panel at Conjeevaram, JOR, 28, 1958-59,

pp. 68-73. , _ , • i

The Mithuna in Indian Art, Transactions of Archaeological

Society of South India, Madras, 1957.

Inscriptions of Sri Varadarajaswami temple, Kanchipuram
in Seminar on Inscriptions. Ed. by R. Nagaswami (Madras,

T r-J

Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyan, Bharatiya Vidya.

Uttaravedi concept in the architecture of Sri Varadaraja

lple, Kanchi, Bharatiya Vidya.

igraphical Gleanings on Srivaishnava Acharyas, Prof.
A.N. Sastri Fel. Vol. (1971).

reya Ramanuja : His life and works-Sn Annamalai
ettiar Comm. Vol. (1941).

Souvenir, Bombay, 1966.

194 Sri Varadarajasw&mi Temple — Kanchi

Ramamijam B.V.
Rangacharya V.

Saletore B.A.
Sathianathier R.
Sivaramamurti C.
Somasundara Desikar
Soundara Rajan, K.V.

Srinivasan, K.R.

Stein, Burton

Subramaniam R. and
Raman K.V.
Subramanian T.N.

Divyasnricharitam, JIH, XIII, p. 190 ff.

Life and Times of Sri Vedanta Desika, JB3RAS XXIV,
p. 293 ff.

History of Sri-Vaishnavism, QJMS, VII, 1916-17.
Vaishnavism in the Vijayanagar times, D.R. Bhandarkar
Com. Vol., pp. 183-196.

The Kadavaraya Problem (Dr. S.K. Iyengar Com. Volume
1936, pp. 213 ff).

Paintings from Lepakshi (Journal of Indian Society of
Oriental Art, 1937).

Sambuvarayas of Kanchi, Indian History Qly. VI, pp.
548-553.

The Matrix of South Indian Architecture, J.LH. XLIII,
1965.

Kaustubha Prasada— New Light on Jayakya Tantra, JOR,
XVII (1967).

The Kaleidoscopic Activities of Mediaeval Temples in
Tamilnad, QJMS, XL1I, pp. 87-101.

The Last of the Chola Temples, JISOR XVI (1948).

Some Aspects of Religion as Revealed by Early Monuments
and Literature of the South — JMU XXXII.

South Indian Paintings in the Proceedings of the Indian
History Congress (Allahabad, 1944).

The Economic Function of a Mediaeval South Indian
Temple — The Journal of Asiatic Studies, XIX (1960),
pp. 163-176.

The Terracotta Figurines from Kanchi Excavations 1962,
JIH, XLV (Aug. 1967).

A Note on the date of Ramanuja, S.I.T.I., III.

IV. Administrative Reports, Judicial Cases etc.

(a) Fifth Report from the Select Committee on the affairs of the East India
Company, Madras submitted in 1812 (published in Madras, 1863).

(b) Superintendent Narahari Rao’s report on the caste-marks of the Temple dated
17-1-1823 (Filed as Exhibit in A.S. 6 and 7 of 1912 in Chingleput Court).

(c) Ramaswami Maistry’s Report on the temple dated 3rd Aug. 1827 (Filed as
Exhibit m Suit A.S. 13 and 14 of 1854 in Chingleput Court).

(d) Superintendent Kasiram’s Report (1850) (Filed as Exhibit in Suit No. 170 of A.S.
212 of 1909, Chingleput Court).

(e) All India Reporter 313, Madras (covers the cases of the temple from 1828 to
1883).

*(f) Madras Weekly Notes, 3915.

(g) Madras Law Journal Volumes.

(h) Judgements and Exhibits in the cases in the Chingleput Munsif and Sub Courts.

INDEX

A

Abdul Hasan Qutub Shah, 36
Abdulla Khan, 36
Abdulla Kutub Shah, 35, 36
Abhidastavam , 72
Abhinava-varanasi, 22

Abhisheka mandapa , 14, 47-48,
78, 87, 148/151-152, 168

Achdrya Champu, 72
A chary a-Hriday am , 7, 70, 74
Achdryas , 61-65, 167, 171, 176
Achyutappa Nayaka, 32
Achyuta Raya, 29, 30, 31, 49,
50,79, 81, 100, 107, 122,
139, 175, 179

Achyutardyabhyudayam , 29
Aiaikkalapattu , 71
Adaippam Surappa-Nayaka,
31

Adaippan Sinna Sevappa Na-
yaka, 32
Addanki, 27
Adhirajendra, 13
Adhisi&na, 148, 149, 150, 1 51,
152, 154, 155, 157

Adhdpadma, 151
Adhyatma-Sankirtana-Laksha-
nam , 81

Adhyayana-utsayam , 106-107
Adi Atti-Varada, 5, 51
Adikarana Sarclvali , 73
Adisesha, 46, 168
Aditya 1, 12

Adi Van SafagOpa Jlyar, 80
Advaita, 64
Adyayandtsavam , 82
Agama, 5
Agni , 106
Ahmad Shah, 27
Ahobilam, 80, 176
Ah6bila-maf/ra (Van-Satagopa
matham ), 80, 138
Airavata, 19
Akkamma, 31

Akkanna, 36, 38
Akshabyamuni, 71
Alagiya-manavala Battar,

*113

Alagia-Manavala-Battar Vara-
* dayyangar, i24
Aligia Manavala Jlyar, 6, 47,
49, 53, 56, 76-78, 79, 80, 87,
88, 112, 122, 123, 130, 153,
154, 179

Alagiya-manavala-Jiyar-ma-
tha, 76, 78,88, 112, 137
Alagia-manavala Namar, 7,
74

Alagiya-manavala perumal
Nainar, 70

Alagia-manavala-peruntoppu,

77

Alagiyamanavalini, 13
Alagiyamanavalmi-mandaiy-
alvar, 13

Alagia Singar (Narasimha),

78

Alagiya-Perumal Tatan, 133
Alamgir Pasha Mahmad, 38
Alampakkam, 159
Atappirandtin-Sandi, 25
Alavandar, 46, 61, 63, 64, 167
Alavatta kainkarya, 61
Aliya Ramaraja, 31
Aliyar Ramaraya, 31
Allalanatha, 8, 22
Allasana Peddanna, 80
Allauddin Khilji, 24
Alvars, 3, 7, 8, 47, 70, 167,
171, 376

Alvar Tirunagari, 73, 176
AlvSr Tirunal, 102
Amalanadipiran, 70
Ammaiappan Kunnudaipper-
umal ( alias Vikrama

Chola Sambuvarayan), 25
Ammaiappan Kannudaippe-
rumal (alias Vikramasola
Sambavaraya), 16, 17
Ammanna Dandanayaka, 18
Amman shrine, 153

Amudanar, 74, 99
Amuktamalyada , 80, 120
Anagondi, 175
Anandalvan, 72
Aoandam Pillai Iyengar, 82
Anangabhima 111,22, 23, 139
Ananta, 166
Anantacharya, 82
Anantalvar, 46, 131, 163, 166
Anantalvar shrine, 148, 152
Anantampillai, 130
Anantapur, 175
Anantarudra-Vishaya, 22
Anantasaras tank, 5, 51
Anantasuri, 70
Anantavarman, 33
Anantavarma Mahita-deva,
22

Anapota II, 27

Andal, 45, 46. 70, S3, 104, 107,
* 151, 165, 167

Andhra, 1, 12, 15, 65, 80, 139,
175, 176

Annangarachariar, 72
Annamacharya, 81
Annan Varadayyangar, 124
Aniarala, 149, 151, 153, 154,
155 , 159

Antarudravishya, 139
Anushtdnakulam , 107
Apatsahayanallur, 23
Appanna, 18
AppaRao, 125
Appayya Dikshitar, 9, 43, 82
Aramdu-nirppZtn , 140
Araiyars , 114
Arakonam, 1,2
Aran gam, 59
Aravldn,30, 31, 32
Araviti, 31

Arayirappddi ( Six-thousand ),
64

Archa , 88, 95

Archakas (Bhatt Achdryas), 113

196 Index

Arch3vat&ra , 95
Architecture, 147-160
Arcot, 1, 37, 38
Ar ikcsavan-/mz t ha, 137
Annagon, 34
Arpakkam, 139
Arthur Freeze, 125
Arulakara, 14

Arulala (Davaraja), 65, 71,
81

Arulalanatha, 8
Arulalapperumal, 7, 8, 133
Arulalapperumal Emberum-
anar, 65, 131

Arulalapperumal temple, 19,
22, 24, 27, 46

Arulalapriyan, 119
Arulappa^u, 85, 88, 121, 133
Arumdlidevan. 133
Arumolinangai, 143
Arupagiri Perumal Nllagan-
garayan, 22

Ashtabhujam temple, 3, 71
Ashtabhujaswami (Vishnu), 5
AshtabhujaswSmi temple, 129
Ashtasldki, 73
Astadiggajas , 73 , 75, 77
Atreya Ramanuja ( alias
Applllar), 67, 68
Atfan Jlyar {alias Srinivasa-
dasa), 38, 85-86, 89, 90,
124, 125
Atti, 5

Attigiri, 6, 71
Attigiri Arulalar, 6
Atti-varadar, 5, 6
Attiyur, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11,
59,60, 87, 118, 119, 129,
131, 144

Attiyur-alvar, 7, 8
Attiyuran, 3, 7
Aurangazeb, 36, 37, 38, 85
Avarana devatas , 163
A vat dr a, 95
Ayatasra , 149
Ayudhapurushas , 163, 171
Ayyankulam (Tatasamudram),
83-84

Ayyan-Settiar, 133
(Rayasam) Ayyapparasayyar,
29

B

Badami, 1
Bahmini(s), 27, 28

Balarama, 59

Bdlaprabodini {Amara), 82
Balfour, 124

Ballaia III, 24, 25, 47, 102
Ballala IV, 25
Sana, 17
Bangalore, 1
Batfar, 66, 69
Bellary, 33
Beta, 19
Beta XI, 19
Bhadra, 13
Bhadrakdlas , 150
Bhagavata(s), 73, 95, 168
Bhagavata purdna , 171
Bhdgavat Gita , 63, 66
Bhagavat-Vishya parampara,
73

BhaktU 64, 95
Bhdga-mandapa, 7
Bhu, 176
Bhudam, 50, 106
Bfmdattalvar, 3, 4, 7, 8, 12, 56,
59, 64, 87
Bhu-devL 102, 164
Bhu-stuti , 71
Bhutam, 59

Bijapur, 28, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36,
37, 84

Brahma, 9, 101, 159, 160, 176
Brahmadeya, 129
Brahmanic, 62
Brahmasutras, 63
Brahmatantra-svatantra Jlyar,
67, 73, 137

Brahmotsava, 102, 103, 108
Brighu, 9

Brihadlsvara temple, 147
Bukka, 26
Bukka I, 26
Bukka II, 26

Carnatic, 11, 12, 35, 36, 37, 38,
124

Carpenters, 116
Ceylon, 12, 13, 16, 27
Chakrattalvar, 163, 166
Chakrattalvar shrine, 52,
155-156

Chakravartiar, 131
Chalikyadeva Chdla-Maha-
raya, 31

Chaiukya(s) 1, 13, 18

Champa, 25
Chandamdrutam, 82
Chandra (moon), 176
Chandragiri, 27, 28, 29, 31,

32, 33, 34, 83, 87, 123
Chandraprabha temple, 159
Chaturmdsa-Ekddasi, 81
Chellappa, 29, 30
Chenna, 34
ChennayyangSr, 52
Chera country, 21
Chetfiar, 79

Chidambaram, 5, 14, 38, 43,
82, 83

Chikkayyaraja, 31
Chingleput, 1, 2, 12, 20, 25, 26,
28, 33,34,37,38, 39, 126,
141, 142

Chinna Krishna, 33
Chinna Tirumala-ayyangar,
81

Chinna Timmayyadeva-Maha-
raja, 31

Chitramandapa , 12
Chittoor, 19, 1 75
Ch5la(s), 3, 4, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13,
14, 15 t 16, 17,18,19,20,
21,22,23,24, 25, 26, 29,
63.87,108,117, 118, 121,
136, 139, 143, 144, 147, 148,
150, 152, 157, 163, 165, 167,
168

Cholendra Simha, 16, 46
Clive, 38, 179
Coimbatore, 25, 71
Coins, 143
Conjeevaram, 36
Coromandel, 26, 28
Cuddappah, 17, 23, 33
Cuttack, 22

D

Dalavdy-toppu, 108
Damarkottam, 81, 139
Damarla Ayyappa, 34
Damarla Venkatappa, 12, 34
Dantivarman, 159
Danvantri(n), 45, 167
Darmayya, 124
Dasa-nambis , 117-118, 129,

133

Dasavatara scenes, 170-171
Davatiotsavam , 52
Daud Khan, 37
Deccan, 25, 30, 33, 37

Index 197

Delhi, 25
Dcva-Chocja, 31
Devaddna(m ), 15, 139
Dcvaddsis , 136
Devagiri, 24
Devapperumal, 8, 9, 27
Devapperumal Tatan, 133
Dcvappiran Varadaraja Batfar,
113

Devaradiydl, 136
Devaraja, 8

Devardja-mangalam , 9, 74
Devarajamuni, 65
D'evarUjasiagam , 8
Devaraya I, 26
Devaraya II, 27
Devaraya Wodeyar, 84
Devika, 18
Dhanurmdsa , 107
Dharmakarthas, 125
Dharmaparipalan (alias Raja-
dhiraja Malaiyarayan), 98
Dharmayya, 35
Dipaprakasar temple, 71
Divyadesa(s), 3, 59, 87
Divya-prabhandam(s ), 63, 64,
74, 98-99, 101, 106, 108,
112, 135

Doddayacharya (Mahacha-
rya), 72, 82, 103

Dorai Thottam, 52-53, 108
Dost Ali, 38

Dravidamnaya, 66
Drdvidopanishad-sdra, 71
Draupadi, 71
Dvaita, 137
Dviradachalanfitha , 6
Dvitala , 149
Dvitala vimana , 152
Dwdrapalakas , 154
Dwarasamudra, 25

Eastern Cbalukya, 13
' Eastern Ganga, 22, 23
Eastern gopura, 157
East India Company, 12, 34,
35, 38, 39, 122, 124, 125
Echchaya-Dannayakkar, 102
Edirilisola Sambuvarayan Ala-
ppirandan ( alias Rajaraja
Sambuvarayan), 98
EkSmresvarar temple, 2, 3, 5,
29,30, 38, 54, 112, 129,
157

Ekangi, 79
Ekatala , 154

Ekoji (alias Venkaji), 36
Elambilakkatlu-Nayakar, 47
Embar, 66

Emberumanar (Ramanuja), 65,
75, 82, 83
Engal Alvan, 69
Engal Alvar, 69
Epnayiram temple, 31
Erasiddha, 19
Erumbiappa, 74
Eltur, 82, 83

E;tur Immadi Kumara Tiru-
malai Tatacharya, 83, 84,
86 , 88

Ettar Immadi Lakshmi
Kumara Tatacharya, 86
Ettur Kumara Tatacharya, 32,
33, 48, 84, 123, 124, 178
Et|ur Kumara Tirumalai Ta-
tacharya, 83, 84, 86, 88
Eyilkotfam, 4
Eyilnadu, 4

Festivals, 100-108
Fifth Prakara, 15
First prdkSra, 44, 149-150
First Tirtham , 121
Fort St. George, 34, 35, 36,
37

Four-pillared mandapas , 53
Fourth prakSra, 49-54, 154-
158

French, 12
Friday mandapa, 52

Functionaries and history of
management, 111-126

G

Gadyakarnamrta, 17
Gajapatis, 28, 29
Gajasimha, 31
Gajendra, 6, 71
Gajendragirinatha, 6
Gajendra-moksha, 9
Gajendra-Varada, 175
Ganapati, 20, 22, 23
Gandagopala(n), 6, 20, 133,
135, 143

GandagopSla-madai, 24
Gandagdpalan-ChaturvSdi-
mangalam, 20

Gandagopalan-sandi, 19
Gapesa, 45, 163, 166-167
Ganga(s), 1, 13, 15, 16, 22
Gangadevi, 26

Gangaikondacholapuram, 147
Gangaikonddn-mandapa, 108
‘Ganga-kulotbhava’, 16
Ganga-mandapa(m), 15, 143
Gangavadi, 13, 14
Garbagnha, 149, 159, 160
Garuda(s), 46, 150, 152, 166,
176

Garuda shrine, 46
Garuden-mel-Alagiyar, 133
Garudotsavam, 103
Gatyatrcya, 64
GhatiKdSy I

Ghalikastanamammal (alias
Varadakavi), 80
Ghat$i-nulamba Bhajabala-
vlra Abomallarasa, 15
Gingee, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37,
38

Goa, 1, 13
Goda, 45
Goldsmiths, 117
Golkonda, 12, 33, 34, 35, 36,
37, 38, 84, 124

Gomadattar, 131
Gomatam Chakravarti, 88
Gomatam Tirumalacharya,
84-85

Gopanna, 26
Gopinayaningaru, 31
Goppayya Dandanayaka, 18
Gopura(s ), 2, 3, 14, 54, 87,
148, 150, 151, 154, 157, 158
Gottimukku Tipparasar, 29
Govinda AyyaDgar, 81
Govindacharya, 85, 121
Govinda Jiyar, 63
Govindaraja, 82
Govindaraja temple, 81
Grain-measures, 142-143
Granite, 3
Greater Kanchi, 4
GrTva, 150, 155, 157, 158
Guga, 70
Guntur, 33

Guruparampara(s)y 7, 61

Guruparamparaiy 15, 44, 46,
51, 63, 65, 67, 69, 71
Guruparamparai prabhsvam,48

IPS Index

H

Hamavira, 27

Hampi, 32, 87, 153, 169, 175

Hanumadvimsati, 83
Hanuman, 83
Hanuman temple, 84, 105

Hdra, 150
Hari, 14, 52
Harihara, 33, 54
Harihara II, 26
Harmya, 150
‘Hasti Bhushana’, 6

Hastigiri, 6, 7, 8, 9, 60, 70, 95,
102, 150, 158-159

Hastigiri-mahdtmiyam , 9
Hastigirinatha, 8
Hastipura, 6, 8
Hastisaila, 6
Hasti Satlesa, 19

Hazara

169

Rama temple, 153,

Hiranya, 176
Hoysala(s), 1, 8, H. ,6 .

18, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 63
Hyderabad, 38
Hyder Ali, 12, 39

Iconography, 163-173
Idal, 148, 151, 152
Ua {Thirty six-thousand), 64,

* 69, 73, 74
fdu-Pramanatirat tu, 74
Ikkeri, 33

Ilaialvan tCalingarayan, 16,
52, 65, 66, 179
Immadi Narasimha, 28
Irayiravan Pallavaraiyan {alias
Mummudi-Solappan), 14
Jgvara Nayaka, 28, 29
Iswara-samhita , 95
Iyal , 99

lyal Ghost i, 64

Jagati, 149, 150, 151, 152,
153

Jain temple, 175
Jalat-ud-din, 25
Jambukesvaram, 5
Jatavarman Sundara Pancjya,
'20,21,25, 155

Jatavarman Sundara P&ndya

I, 22, 23

Jatavarman Sundara Pandya

II, 17, 20, 23, 24_
Jatavarman Vira Pantlya, 23
Jayakesi, 13

Jayakhya-samluta , 95, 96, 113
i, 4,

Jayangondar, 13
Jayasimha, 13

Jesters and folk scenes, 172

Jewellery, 179-180
Jlyars, 111-112, 122

K

Kadambur, 5
Kadappai Siddharaja, 32
Kadava, 17, 21, 22
Kadavan Kumaran, 22
Kadavaraya(s), 11, 16, 21
Kailasanatha temple, 2, 3, 26

Kakasura, 71

Kakatiya(s), 2, 11, 17, 20, 23,
24, 25
Kdl , 152

Kalahasti, 19, 29, 34
Kala'sa{s), 150, 152, 154, 157
Kalattur-kotlam, 139
Kalmga, 13, 14, 15
Kalingarayan, 16, 52, 65, 66,
179

Kalin gar-k5n, 14
Kalingattupparani, 13
Kalinga War, 12
Kalyanakoti vimana, 48, 83,
153

KalySna mardapa , 9, 53, 78,
87, 148, 149, 154, 156, 163,

* yh 1 rC\ -inn 1 "70

Kamakshi temple, 2, 38, 129
Kampana I, 26
Kampana II, 26
Kampara Udaiyar, 54
Kampayya Dannayaka, 25
Kachi, 3, 4, 6
Kachipedn, 6

Kanakku-pillai, 120
Kanchi(puram) —

location, 1-2

origin of name, 3-9
physical features, 2-3
political background, 11-
39

Kmchi Divya Desa Sangraha
Slokamalika , 54
Kanchipuram, 1, 4, 6, 7, 12,
13, 17, 22, 23, 28, 30, 36,
37, 38, 79, 82, 85, 115, 121,
141 , 175

Kanchipurattu Tiruvattiyur,

Kandadai, 131
Kandadai Amna, 79
Kandadai Annan (Koil) 74,
88

Kandadai Mudali-Andan, 63
Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyan,
78-80, 88, 130, 132, 138
Kandadai Ramanuja Ayyan-
gar, 77, 122, 138
Kandadai Ramanujadasan, 79
Kandadai Ramanuja Iyengar,
7R

Kankanippdrs, 140
Kannada country, 32
Kannanur, 18

Kanta, 149, 150, 151, 152, 155
Kanyakumari, 119
Kapilesvara Gajapati, 27
Kapotas , 152, 153, 157, 158
Kappalur, 48
Karanatfdn, 118, 119-120
Kariamanikaperumal shrine,

15,46,148, 151
Kariamanikkavaradar shrine,
15, 46*

Karigiri, 6, 9, 69
Karigtrisa, 6
Karikala Chdla, 19
Karnakutas, 150, 157
Karnataka, 1, 34
Karthigai , 106

Karumamkka Perumal shrine,
15, 46, 148, 151
Karumdrs (blacksmiths), 116
Karumbakkam, 139
Karunakara-Battar, 113
Karunakara TondaimSn, 13,
15,* 49

Katikasurahara, 31
Kau'sikadvada&i, 81
Kausikapurdna , 81

Kaveri basin, 12
Kaveri-Vallabha, 31
Keladi, 33
Kerala, 12, 17
Keralas, 24

Kesava Dandanayaka, 18

Index m

Kids mb i Nayanar, 74
Kili-mandapa , 153
Kirtimukha , 152, 158
Kodai - utsavam , 104
Kodakkon Nllagangarayan, 22
Kodi-kudai-al, 115
Kodungai, 152
Kddungu, 153, 154
Ko/7, 7, 60
Koil-kanakku , 119
Koil-kelvi, 6, 112, 122
Koil-olugu , 63, 79, 80, 111,
112, 114, 122, 123, 132
Koil-Sn-Vaishnavas , 132
Koil-vdrian , 119
Kolar, 1, 16, 98
Kolhapur, 13
Kdlur-Valli Tayar, 176
Komalavalli Tayar, 176
Konappachariar, 121
Konappa Se^iar, 133
Korujavldu, 27, 28, 32
Koneri Chetty, 35
Koppam, 13

Kdpperunjinga, 17, 18, 20, 21,
22, 23
Korris , 135

Kdti- Kany Tidanam-Lakshmi-
Kumara Tatacharya, 84
KoTkanyadanam Tatacharya,
125

Kotrapalli, 124
Kottipalli, 35
Kovalur, 59
Krimikaota Chola, 15
Krishna, 59, 105, 165
Krishna III, 1, 12
Krishnadeva Raya, 3, 28, 29,
30,31, 54,79, 80, 81, 83,
107, 112, 120, 122, 137, 143,
149, 154, 157, 165, 179
Krishnamisra, 71
Krishnamma. 31
Krishnaraja Odayar, 139
Krishna shrme, 49, 51, 148,
155

Krishnavatara scenes, 170
Kudal-Sangamam, 13
Ku^andai (Kumbakopam), 60
Kudu(s) t 151, 152, 153, 157
Kulas^khara, 15, 167, 171
Kulasekhara I, 24
Kulottunga, 17

Kulottunga I, 4, 12, 13, 14, 45,
47, 49, 56, 131, 137, 139,
142, 143, 147, 150, 152, 154,

179

Kulottunga II, 14, 15, 131
Kulottunga III, 16, 19, 25, 46,
52, 65, 98, 111, 112, 119,
139, 143

Kulottunga Chola Valanadu,
13

Kulottunga-vilagam, 17
Kumara Dannayaka, 30
Kumara Kampana, 26
Kumara Tatacharya, 125
Kumara Venkatadri, 29
Kumbakonam, 60, 83, 130
Kumbha , 151

Kumbha-panjaras , 153, 157,

158

Kunnattur, 30
Kunrapakkatn swami, 72
Kuppa Nayakar, 31
Kurattalvar (Kuresa), 6, 8, 9,
60, 61,63, 64, 65, 69, 75,
76, 82, 86,88, 99, 107, 158,
167

Kurnool, 33, 80
Kurukesa, 64, 66, 69
Kurukur, 99
Kutais), 150, 154, 158
‘Kuvalalapura-paramesvara’,
16

Kuvalpura (Kolar), 1, 16, 98

Lafehmi, 8, 60, 64, 72, 83, 167
LakshmldBvi, 19
Lakshmi Kumara Tatacharya
shrine, 50

Lala Tocjarmalla, 38, 85, 173
Land-measures, 141-142
Land-price, 142
Later Gangas, 1
Lay-out and sequence of con-
struction, 43-57
Lepakshi, 175, 177, 178
Linga, 27

Liquid-measures, 143
Love scenes, 171-172

M

Madai, 139
Madalai , 148
Madanna, 36, 38
Madavtdhis , 2
Madhvas, 137 __

Madhusudan Apatsahayan
( alias B amachandradeva),
23

MadhvSchsrya, 137
Madhvaguxu, 137
Madras, 1, 12, 34, 35,36,39,
126

Madura, 25. 30

Madurai, 24, 25, 26, 33, 34, 37,
43, 168

Madurakavi-Alvar, 163, 167,

176

Madurantakam, 1, 2, 62
Madurantaka Pottapi Man-
musiddha, 139

Madurantaka Pottapi Cholan,
19, 104

Madurantaka Pottappichcholar
Nallasiddharasan, 17
Madurartaka Pottappicholan
Tirukkalattideva alias
Gandagopalan, 19
Mudurantaka Uttama Chola,
143

Madura vijayam , 26
Magara, 22
Mahabali, 7
Mahabalipuram, 2, 7
Mafcabalivanarayar, 17
Mahabhdrata , 66
Mahalakshmi, 79
Mahamardalika, 15
Mahamardaleswara Chinna-
yyadeva Maharaja, 31
MahUtnandapa , 150, 153, 155,
156, 159

Mahanavami, 48
Mahendramandalam, 17
Mahesvaras, 122
Mahratta, 12, 36, 37, 38
Malaimandalam, 21, 22
Malai-nadu, 17, 21
Malapaftu, 3
Malayala-desa, 21
Malaysia NSchchiar, 45, 46,
108, 165

Malik Kafur, 24
Mallai, 7, 22, 34, 35
Mallappa Dan^anayaka, 18
Mallayya Dandanayaka, 18
Mallikarjuna, 27
Mamallapuram, 7
Manavala Mahamuni, 9, 43,
54, 55, 56, 60, 67-70, 72, 73-
76, 77, 79, 80, 83, 86, 88, 99
106, 163, 167

Manavala Mahamuni shrine,
50

Manavil, 14
Manavlra, 24
Mandala~aradanai, 5

200 Index

Mandapa(s \ ), 3, 5, 14, 143, 149,

151, 152, 154, 155, 156, 163,
168

Mangalasdsanam, 3
Manipravala, 66 , 70
Manmu Siddha I (Nalla Sid-
dha), 19

Manma Siddha II Vijaya
Gandagopala, 20, 23
Manmu Siddha III, 21
Maiminadu, 14

Manrddis , 1 29, 134-135
Mamcharitamu, 80
Maravarman Kulasckkara I,
24

Maravarman Sundara Pandya,
16, 51

Maravarman Sundara Pandya

I, 17, 21

Maravarman Sundara Pandya

II, 17

Maravarman Vikrama Pandya,
24 w

Marudur, 5

Matangesvara temple, 2, 3
Matha(s ), 26, 76
Matli Varadaraju, 30
Mavandur, 139
Mayavada , 63
Mayilai, 22

Mayilai-Tiruvallikeni, 4
May on (Vishnu), 59
Mayura Sarman, 1
Meivrata-mTlnmiyam, 9
Melkote, 62, 64, 73, 80,95,
132

Mehdram , 140
Metal workers, 117
Mir Jummla, 35
Moors, 34

Mosalimadugu Vlramaraja, 31
Mosilanadugu Timmaraja, 31
Mudal-Xlvars, 97, 106, 167,
176

Mudal-alvar shrine, 50, 154
MudaliSn<lan, 131
Mudumbai, 82

Mudumbai Appillai Apnavai-
yyangar, 82
Mughals, 12, 35, 36, 37
Muhammad Bin Tuglak, 25
Muhammad II, 27, 28
Muhammad Shah, 28
Muhammed Ali, 38

Mukhaman#apa{s)t 149, 151,

152, 154, 155, 159

Mukkandi Kaduvettivamsa-
vatara, 21

Muktesvara temple, 2, 3
Mulamantra, 132
Mulavar , 5, 6
Mumukshupadi, 69
Munaiyadirayan, 17
Mun - tand u-pin-tandu-pidikka-
ravar ( Kodikdrar ), 115
Muppidi Nayaka, 24
Muruga, 59

Music and art, 136-137
Muslim invasion, 24-25
Muthuswami Dikshitar, 103
Mylapur (Mayilai), 4
Mysore, 2, 12, 13, 18, 26, 33,
36, 37, 60, 63 , 65, 72, 84,
86, 89, 95, 124, 137, 139
Mysore War (II), 39

N

NdbhU 159, 160
Nadabhavi-utsavam , 101
Nadadur Alvan, 69
Nadadur Ammal, 60, 67, 68,

69, 70, 88, 131
Nagaladevi, 29
Nagamalai, 6
Ndgapadam , 153
Nagaraja, 32
Nagarjunakonda, 5, 27
Naimi-saraynam, 176
Naimittika, 95

Naina Varadachariar, 88
Naina Varadacharya, 67, 68,
137

Ndlayira-Divya-prabhandam,

66

Nallan Chakra varti, 81, 131
Nalla Siddha, 19, 21
Nalla Siddharasan, 19, 21
Nallatambi Danappa, 124
Nambakkam, 139
Nammalvar, 47, 50, 61, 64, 66,

70. 73, 74, 82, 99, 104, 163,
167, 176, 177

Nammalvar shrine, 49, 87,
155

Nampillai, 72, 88
Nampillai Periavachan Pillai,
66, 69

Nandalur, 20
Nandavarika, 81
NaDjlyar, 65, 69
Nannul , 46
Nappinnai, 8
Narada, 9

Naral&kavira, 14, 47, 52, 56,
139, 179

Narapparasayya, 29
Narasa Nayaka, 28, 29
(Rayasam) Narasayya, 30
Narasimha (Nrisimha), 22, 45,
80, 150, 158, 159, 163, 164,
176

Narasimha II, 22, 23
Narasimha shrine, 12, 14, 15,
45-46, 113, 147, 150
Narasinga Battar, 113
Narasinga Raya, 6
Narayana, 60, 64
Narayana Jlyar, 81
Narayana Seftiar, 133
Ndsika,‘l50, 152, 153, 155
Nataraja, 168

Nathamuni, 63, 64, 75, 82, 83,
99, 163, 171
Nathamunigal, 167
Navalur, 5

Nayaka(s), 21, 22, 27, 30, 33,
34, 37, 168
Nayakanmar, 21
Nayana Varadachariar, 73
Nayana Varadacharya ( alias
Kumara Vedantacharya),
73

Nayanm&rs, 4
Nedungal, 139
Ncerdli mandapa 3 51
Nellore, I, 2, 15, 17, 18, 19,
20, 23, 27, 33
Nettar, 16, 52, 65
Nllagangarayan, 22, 139
Nilathingaltundam temple, 3
Nine-Thousand , 64, 69
Nirandhdra, 150
Nirvacanottara. Rdmayanamu ,
20

Nitydnusanddnam , 99
Nitya-puja , 95, 96
North Arcot, 2, 14, 28, 33, 156
North India, 63, 65, 87, 176
North Kalinga, 13
Nrisimha (see Narasimha)

O

Orissa, 14, 22, 27, 28, 139
Oltakknttan, 14
Outer courtyard, 54

P5c[agam temple, 3, 4, 5
Patfaiparru, 27, 28

Index 201

Padaivldu, 27
Padikam , 4

Padikaval gopuram , 79
Padma , 148, 151
Padma-banda, 151, 152
Padmanabapuram, 176
Padma-pitha, 152
Padmasamhita , 95
Padmatala , 157
Paintings, 175-178
Paiyanur, 139
Palagai, 148, 152
Palar (river), ?, 38, 107, 141
Palaya-Sivaram (bill), 3
Pa/z, 148

Pallava(s), 1, 2, 12, 13,21, 150,
175

Pallava-kulatilaka, 21
Pallava temples, 2, 3
Panaiyur, 5
Panam , 141

Panchamatabhanjanam Tata-
charya, 82

Panchanadivanan Nilaganga-
rayan, 22

Pancha Pandyas, 24
Pdfichardtra , 61, 88
Pdncharmra TZgama, 95
Pafichastavams , 64
Pandal-erecters, 117
Pandavaperumal temple, 14,
133

Pandava-Thuthar, 7
Pandimandalam, 23
Pandya(s), 11, 12, 16, 17, 20,
23, 24, 26

Pan<Jyan, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18,
21, 23, 24, 139
Pandyanadu, 23
Panguni-Pallava utsavam , 108
Paftjara(s), 150, 154, 157, 158
Paradhvdti PaUchagam , 69
Parakala Alagia Smgar, 82,
106

Paramesvara Vippagaram, 4
Parankusa Jlyar, 80, 81
Paravastu Naynar Ayyangar,

21

Paricharakas, 113-114
Partpadal , 59, 60
Parivetjai , 107

Parivrajakacharya Attan Tiru-
vcnkada Ramanuja Jlyar,
85

Paitarpiran Jlyar, 77
Paitika . , 149, 151, 152, 153,
‘155, 157, 158

Pattupdttu ( Ten Idyls), 4, 59
Paushkara-samhita , 95
Pavanandi, 16, 46
Pavitrotsava, 105
Pavitrotsava mandapa, 47
P.B. Annangarachariar, 72
Peddanna, 80
Peddarasa, 19
Peddarasar, 17
Pedda Tirumala-ayyangar, 81
Penugonda, 32, 33, 83
Perarulala, 11, 61, 63, 65, 71,
79

P erarulalan-korri, 1 35
Perarulalar, 7, 8
Peria Jlyar (Manavala Maha-
muni), 50, 73, 75, 82
Perialvar, 80, 117, 171
Perialvar shrine, 52, 154
Peria-koil, 137
Perianambi, 61, 62, 63
Peria-Perumal-dasan, 133
Periaperumal Nambi, 113
Peria-piralU, 9
Periapiraltiar, 48
Peria Tirumala-ayyangar, 81
Periatirumalainambi Chakka-
rayar, 33, 123

Peria Vachan Pillai, 67, 69,
72, 88

Perumal, 108
Perumal-koil , 1, 60
Perumpdndnupadai , 4, 59, 60
Perunagar, 98
Perundanam, 14
Perundevi Tayar, 6, 48, 52,
79, 108, 163, 165
Perundevi Tayar shrine, 38,
48-49, 78, 85, 151, 153
Peruvanian Devan Erinjodi
{alias Perarulala-dasan),
133

Pettarasan, 26
Pcy Alvars, 59, 106
Phalaka, 151, 153
Pillai Lokacharya, 66, 69, 70,
71, 72, 73, 74, 82, 88, 132
Pillai L5kam Jlyar, 74
Pillai-Urangavalli-dasar, 64,
68, 132
Pillan, 69

Pmbalagia-Perumal- Jlyar, 7,
44, 46, 48, 69
Pindi , 152
Place, 124, 179
Podelle Lingappa, 36

Pddikai, 148
Poigai, 4, 50
Poigai Alvar, 59, 64
Poigaippakkam (alias Alagia
Manavalapuram), 78
Polavi Damjanayaka, 18
Ponnambalakkuttan, 14
PoonamalJee (Pundamalli), 34
Porpandaram , 78
Porramarai tank, 32, 52
Portrait sculptures, 172
Pottapati-Timmaraja, 31
Pottapi-Chola, 19
Pottappa Nay aka, 31
Potters, 117
Po« u , 31

Potty Cawn (Fath Khan), 37
PrabhandamSy 47, 62, 64, 65,
66, 69, 71, 72, 74, 79, 80,
88, 132

Prabhandic school ( see Ten-
kalai)

Pradakshina , 150, 155
Prakala matha , 82
Prdkdra(s ) , 5, 14, 15, 44, 45,
49-54, 88, 149-158
Prapanna , 132
Prapan amrutamy 82
Prapannaparijatanty 69
Prapattiy 64, 65,70, 71,72
Prasadam, 100, 132
Prastara, 150, 157
Prataparudra Deva, 47, 139
Prataparudradeva II, 21, 24
PratU 149, 151, 157, 158
Prativati Bhayankaram, 85,
88, 131

Prativati Bhayankaram
Anantacharya, 179
Prativati Bhayankaram
Annan, 72, 73, 74
Prativati Bhayankaram
Annangaracharya, 130
Prativati Bhayankaram
Rangacharya, 85, 121
Puduchchcri, 139
Pudumandapam, 172
Pujas, 95-100
Pulicat, 34,

Pumurtai, 151, 152, 155
Pumannu padumam , 15

Pundamalli, 1, 12, 24, 36, 37,
61,62

Punira, 64

Pmyakdti-vimTinay 9, 123, 149,
T50, 160, 176

202 Index

Purna-kumbhas , 153
Purarianuru, 59
Puratf&si , 105
Purushakara , 60
Purusha-manikkasettf, 133
Purus ha Sukta ) 47
Pushpa-potika , 148, 151, 153 f
154, 155, 157
Pushpa-potikai, 150
Pushpa-marJapa, 7

Quilon, 27

R

Rdhasytrayam , 74
Rahuttarayan, 21
Rahuttarayan-Sandi, 21

Raichur Doab, 28
Rajadhiraja I, 12, 13, 56, 147
Rajadhiraja II, 15
Rajadhiraja Malaiyarayan
alias DharmaparipalaD, 17
Rajagambhlram, 26
Raj agan dagdp al an , 98
Rajakulam, 108
Rajamahendra, 13
Rajamundry, 27, 28
Rajanarayana Sambuvaraya,
26, 121

Raja Odayar, 33

Rajaparamesvara, 21
Rajaraja, 13
Rajaraja 1, 14, 26
Rajaraja II, 14, 15
Rajaraja III, 12, 17, 18,19,
21,22,23,25,48, 98, 119,
131, 133, 175
Raja Ram Maharaja, 37
Rajaramaraju Ayyan, 31
Raja Todarmalla, 38, 49, 85,
86, 124, 173
Rajendra I, 12
Rajendra II, 13‘

Rajendra III, 17, 18, 19, 20, 47
Rama, 47, 71, 165
Ramadva, 33
Ramanakkan, 21
Raman atha, 18
Ramanathapuram, 63, 159

Ramanuja, 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 15, 46,
60, 61, 62-66, 67, 69,

70, 71, 73, 74, 82, 83, 88,
97, 99, 107, 112, 130, 131,
132, 135, 137, 158, 163, 167,
176

Ramanuja-bhSsya , 65
R3mSnuja~danana(m ), 60, 66,
76, 137

Ramanuja-Govinda Bittar,
113

Ramanuja-kuta(s), 77, 78, 79,
122, 130, 138

Ramanuja-Nurrandadi, 74, 99
Ramanuja Rayanivaru, 86
Ramanuja shrine, 50, 87
Ramanuja temple, 87
Ramaraja, 31
Ramaraja II, 32
Ramaraja Chmna Timmaraja,
31

Ramaraju Chmna Timmayya-
deva Maharaja, 31
Ramaraya, 30, 51
Ramaraya I, 82
Rama Rao, 124
RamTiyana , 66, 82, 168
Ramayana scenes, 169
Rameswaram, 17
Ramya-jamatru-muni, 77
(Lord) Ranganatha, 13, 26,
46, 70, 163, 164-165
Ranganatha shrine, 49, 51-52
Ranganatha temple, 15
Rangayyasola Maharaja, 31
Rashtrakutas, 1, 12
Ratta country, 12
Ravivarman Kulasekhara, 24,
45, 46

Rayajee tank, 108
Rayar SitakonDirayar, 141
Recerla Vasantaraya, 27
Reddis, 27

Sadasiva Raya ,30,31, 32, 52,
53, 77, 102, 106, 122, 139,
175

S adat-Ullah-Khan , 37, 38,

141

Sadulla Khan Bahadur, 38
Saduram(s), 148, 150, 151, 153,
156

Sailanatha (Tirumalai-nambi),
82

Saiva Brahmins, 129
Saivite(s), 3, 8, 15
Saivite N'ayanmars, 59
Sata(s), 149, 150, 152, 154, 157,
158

Snlabanjikas , 157, 158
Salakaraju Tirmuala, 30

Snla-sikhara , 149, 150, 154, 155
157, 158, 159
Saluva Mangu, 26
Saluva Narasimha, ,28, 30, 77,
78, 79, 80, 81, 132, 138
Saluva Nay aka, 29, 30
Saluva Nayakkar Sellappar,
30

Sambaji, 36, 37
Sambuvarayas, 11, 16, 25,
26

Samachaturasra , 155
Sandhi (special services), 98
Sandstone, 3
Sangam, 4, 28, 59
Sankalpa-Suryodaya, 71
Sankara, 63
Sankaradasa, 78
Sankirtanacharya, 81
Sannidhi guruparampara , 80
Sannidhi Srirama Ayyangar,
84, 123

Santoji Rau, 36, 37
Saptati Ratnarri&lika, 73
Sarvamanya , 138
Sarvatlrtham, 141
Satadushini , 71
Satagopa, 47, 64
Satagopam, 85

Satagopa-perumal-dasan, 124
S’ftthumurai , 105
Sattada-SrI-Vaishnavas, 78,
79, 80, 131-132
Satyamangalam, 71
Satya Vijaya Tlrtha, 137
Satyavrata-Mahatmiyam , 9, 51
Saumya-jamatru-muni, 77
Sayana-Udaiyar, 26
Sayyad Muzafar, 37
Second prUkTZra, 44-45, 150-
151

Sellappa, 30, 122
Sembakdvalli Tayar, 176
Sembedu, 31

Senai Mudaliar (Vishvakscna),
102, 108, 165
Senainatha, 61
Sendamangalam, 21
Sengalinirpatru Sirmai, 31
Sengeni Ammiappan, 98
Serakula-nachiar, 108
Serakulavalli, 46
Serakulavallinachiar, 165
Sermadevi, 23
Sesha, 166

Index 203

Setters ( nagarattUr ), 133
Setti-Rajamanikkattar {alias
VIranulambhadeviyar), 133
Seyon (Muruga), 59
Siddhiraju Sri Rangaraya, 32
Sikhara, 149,150, 152, 155
Silappadikaram, 59
Silpa , 5
Silpis, 116, 136
Singa III ( alias Sarvajna), 27
Singan-murai , 115
Smgapperumal Dikshitar, 1 13
Sinhalese, 15

Siru Tirumala-ayyangar, 81
Slta, 8
Siva, 8, 59

Siva Ekamresvara temple, 122
Sivaji, 12, 36

Siva-Kanchi (Big Kahchi), 2, 3
Sivaram, 3, 107
Siva temple, 14, 29, 122
Slyaganga(n), 16, 46, 98
Smartha (Madhva), ]26
Solakulavalli, 14
Salamandalam, 14
Solasimhapuram, 82
Soliyadaraiyan, 23
Somaladevi Mahadevi, 22, 23,
139

Somapalli, 175
Somaraja, 31
Somesvara, 17, 20, 22, 23
Sdm&svara I, 13
Sonnavannam-Seida-Perumal,

7

South Arcot, 5, 14, 21, 24, 25,
26, 28, 31

South India, 1, 5, 11, 12, 16,
18, 24, 26, 27, 28, 32, 34, 37,
43, 59,63, 81, 85, 88, 89,
95, 98, 99, 118, 129, 133,
135, 136, 138, 169, 179
Sri (Lakshmi), 8, 60, 61, 68,
70, 164, 165, 176
■Sri Bandarattar, 83, 120, 123
Sri-BUshy a, 61, 63, 65, 66,
67, 69, 70, 71,73, 74,78
Sri-Bashya-pravachana, 66
Sri-Boshya school {see Vada-
kalai)

Sri-Bhagarat- Vishya-prava-
chana , 66
Sri-churrfa, 86, 87
SrI-devi, 102, 164
Srldhara Batfar, 113
Sri~Jaycmti, 83, 105

Sri~k arya-Durantara, 83, 122,
123 ’

Sri-karyam, 120, 122-123
Srikumaran, 21
Sriman Narayana Jiyar, 80
Srimushnam, 71

Srimvasadasa (Allan Jiyar)
38 '

Sn-padam Tangiravar , 115
(Rayasam) Sripadayya, 179
(Rayasam) Srlpatayya, 29
Srlperumbudur, 1, 62, 84 87
118, 123, 124, 131, 138
Sri Rama, 70

Srlranga, 32, 33, 34, 84, 139
Srlranga 1, 32, 33, 83, 1 23
Srlranga II, 98
Srlranga III, 12, 34, 35
Srirangacharya, 85
Sriracgam, 2, 7, 13, 15, 16, 24,
26, 28, 30, 43, 46, 59. 60, 61,
62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69,
70, 71, 72, 73 , 77, 79, 80, 88,
95, 111, 112, 114, 118, 125,
130, 131, 132, 138, 156, 164,
165, 166, 171, 173, 176
Srirangam Kdil-olugu, 15
Srirangam Nallan Chakravarti*
86

Srlranga Narayana Jiyar, 77
Sri Ranganatha siotram, 69
Srlrangapatna, 32, 84
Srlrangapathnam, 33, 84
Srirangaraya, 108
Sri Sailapurnar, 131
Srisailesa {alias Tiruvaymoli-
ppillai), 73

Sri-Sampradaya, 60, 61
Srl-stuti, 71

Sri Vachana Bhushana , 69, 70,
74

Srl-Vaishnava(s), 7, 8, 28, 44,
47, 59-89,112-113, 129-131
Sri-Vaishnavism, growth of,
59-89

Sri Varadarajaswami temple,
Ranchi —

and society, 129-144
architecture, 147-160
functionaries and history
of management, 111-126
iconography, 163-173
jewellery, 179-180
lay-out and sequence of
construction, 43-57
paintings, 175-178
pujas and festivals, 95-108

role in the growth of Sri-
Vaishnavism, 59-89
wood carvings, 178-179
Srivilhputtur, 121, 138, 159
SrutaprakaUka, 69, 71
Srutaprakasika Batter, 67, 71
Stable mardapa , 50-51
Stalattars , 85, 86, 121, 122,
123, 124, 126

St7tnattar{s) } 112, 119, 120-121,
123, 125
Stapatis , 136

Sthalapurana , 5, 6, 8, 9, I0S
159, 168, 171, 175
Stupis , 150
Sucindram, 119
Sudarsana, 166
Sudarsana-Ba^tar, 69
Sudarsana shrine, 12, 52
Sudikkoduttanachiar (Andal),
45,77 ’• }

Sukapakshiyam „ 73
Sundara Chola, 12
Sundara Pardya, 24
Surappa Nayaka, 31
Surithil, 139
Sway amp akis, 114
T

Tadi, 151
Takkolam, 2, 12
Tala , 152, 154, 158
Talikotta, 30, 32
Tallapakkam, 81, 82
Tallapakkam Annamacharya,
82

Tamappa, 33

Tamil country, 2, 12, 17, 18,
20,24,26,28,29, 32, 33,
59, 130, 135, 136

Tamilnad, 6, 11, 12, 16, 22,
25, 30, 48, 133, 142, 159
Tammi Bhupati, 33
Tammu Siddha I, 19
Tanjaimamapikkoil, 176
Tanjore, 14
Tariaradanai , 138

Tatacharya(s), 33, 56, 82-84,
86, 89, 99, 123, 124, 126,
130

Tatacharya-ayyan, 83
Tattvatraya , 69
Tatva- Rain avail, 72
Tatvatraya-pramUria-tirattu, 74
Tatvattriyam , 74
TatvasUram, 69

204 Index

Tayar (see Perundcvi Tayar)
Tayar shrine ( see Perundevi
Tayar shrine)

Tetugu-choda(s), 2, 21* 16, 27,
18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 30

Telugu country, 32
Telugu-Pallava, 21
Temple-car, 178-179
Temple-gardens, 139-140
Temple-kitchen, 152-153
Temple-lands, 138-142
Ten Idyls , 59

Tenkalai, 61, 66, 67, 68, 70,
72, 73, 74-75, 78, 80, 82, 85,
86, 87, 88, 89, 99, 112, 123,
124, „125, 126, 130, 131,
132

Ten-kurukaipiran-pillan, 64
Tenneri, 84, 124
Tepperumal, 9, 27
Tepperumalnallur, 27, 141
Teppdtsavam f 108
Thanjavur, 2, 12, 32, 33, 34,
36,111,142, 147, 175, 176

Thepperumal, 8
Thsradi, 3
Ther-niminda-Til, 115
Third prZk'ira , 15, 46-49, 151
154

Thotia-utsava , 102

Thousand-pillared mandapa , ,
47, 152
Thuppil, 105

Tikka I (a/fas Aluntikka-Kal-
atti I a/fos Tirukkalatti-
deva a/fos Gandagopala),
19, 20, 21, 98
Tikkana Sdmayaji, 20
Tillai, 5

(Rayasam) Timmakkan, 80

Timmaraja/31

TIrthaQn ), 85, 89, 121, 131

Tiru-adyayana , 88
Tiru-Anantalvar shrine, 46
Tiru Attiyur Prlyan, 119
Tiruchanur, 81
Tiruchirappalli, 2, 25, 27, 28
Tirukkachi-nambi, 8, 60, 61-
62, 64, 68, 70, 75, 76, 79,
80,82, 88, 132, 133, 155,
158, 168, 171

Tirukkachi-nambi mandapa , 53
Tirukkalaindan Bhatta, 30
Tirukkalattideva, 19
Tirukkalukunram, 2, 12

TirukkalyWiam , 106
Tirukkandiyur, 176
Tirukkoilur, 5, 176
Tirukkottiyur, 63, 132
Tirukkd$pyur-nambi, 63
Tirukkottiyur temple, 159
Tirumala, 30, 32
Tirumalai, 7, 60, 62, 63, 65,
70, 77,79, 81, 82. 83, 88,
112, 118, 131, 138, 166, 167,
176

Tirumalai Andan, 63
Tirumalai Anantam Pillai,
131

Tirumalai-nambi, 63, 64, 82,
131

Tirumalai-olugu, 77, 112, 115
Tirumala Raya, 79
Tirumal-irum-solai, 59, 83
Tirumalisai Alvar, 1, 4,60,
120

Tirumalisai shrine, 50, 154
Tirumandiram > 63

Tirumangai Alvar, 4, 5, 106,
167, 171

Tirumangai Alvar shrine, 50
Tirumanjanam (holy bath), 97-
98

Tirumatijanam-edukkiravar,

114

T irumanni valangu, 14
Tirumaraiyur nadu, 13
Tirumukku<3al, 2, 139
Tiru-nlimams , 87, 89
Tirunarayanapuram, 60, 63, 82
Tirunelveli, 168, 176
Tirunirmalai, 84
Tirupparuttikunram, 159, 175,
177, 178

Tirupati, 1, 28, 29, 31, 35,
73. 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 85,
112, 115, 125, 132, 138,
173

Tiruppadagam, 7
Tiruppadagattu-alvar, 7
Tiruppadiraja, 31
Tiruppalaivanam, 142
Tiruppalakkuli, 142
Tiruppallandu, 80
Tiruppan-alvar, 70, 78
Tiruppan shrine, 52, 154, 155
Tiruppani Pillai, 84
TiruppVvai , 45, 70, 99, 107
Tiruppavitra-utsavam , 83
Tiruppullapi, 84

Tiruvatji, 14, 24
Tiruva<Jipuram, 104
Tiruvadi rajya, 30, 31
Tiruvadyayana-utsavam , 77, 79,
83

Tiruvallikeni, 4
TiruvandUdi, 4

T iruvanekatankapadam
temple, 14

Tiruvannamalai, 25, 29, 43
Tiruvarangaperumal Arayar
(Vararanga), 63
Tiruvarangattammudanar, 62
Tiruvarur, 27
TiruvafSra-utsavam , 101
Tiruvattiyur, 3, 4, 8, 59
Tiruvattiyur-Alvar, 7, 56
T iruvattiy ur-ko rri , 135
Tiruvattiyurninraruliaperu-
mal, 7

Tiruvaymoli-perumal Naya-
nar, 77

Tiruvaymoli-sirappu, 19
Tiruvehka temple, 3, 4, 5, 7,
71, 74, 88, 129

Tiruvekambamudaya Nayi-
nar temple, 30

Tiruvendipuram, 17, 71
Tiruvengalappar, 81
Tiruvenkada Ayyangar, 124
Tiruvida-endai, 7
Tiruvidaiysttam, 139
Tiruvidi'pandam-pidittavan,
115-116

Tiruvikrama, 176
Tiruvilakku-kdran , 116
Tiru\oymoli , 47, 50, 64, 66, 67,
69, 99, 107, 113
Tiruvdymoli-mrrandZidi, 99
Todarmal-vdsal , 154
Tolkappiam, 59
Ton<laiman, 14, 70
Tondaimantfalam, 5, 11, 12,
15, 20, 21, 22.24,25,26,
27, 28, 35, 71, 134, 142
Tondara<Jippodi Alvar, 77,
117, 167

Tondaradlppo<Ji shrine, 52,
154, 155

Tdppu Tirunal , 102
Tor ana, 148
Tdtadriyamma, 70
Tribhuvanachakravarthi Vij-
aya Gandagdpaladftva, 20,
21

Index 205

Tribhuvanamudaiyal, 14
Trichinopoly, 37
Trikalinga, 22, 23
Tripat ta kumuda, 149, 151
Triplicate, 138
Trivattiyur, 7
Trivikrama, 5
Tuldbhdra, 123

Tulabhdra-mandapa(s), 50, 148
Tuluva, 28, 29
Tundahanadu, 22
Tundira, 26
Tunga, 13

Tuppakki Krishnappa, 35
Tuppil, 70
Twelve-thousand , 64
Tydga-mandapa, 7
Tyagaraja, 103

U

Ubhaya Vedanta , 78, 137
Udaiyakamam, 22, 139
Udayagiri, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33
Udayarpalayam, 38, 85, 89
Udumbara, 5

Ulagalandaperumal temple, 3,
5, 14

Ulavukkdni , 141
Ulogasaranga Mahamuni, 70
Ummattur, 28

Uftjal mandapa, 49, 148, 149,
153, 154

UpadesaratnamSlai, 67, 74,
99

Upturn, 149, 150, 1 51, 152,
155

Upanishads, 63
Upper India, 65, 176
Oragam temple, 3, 4
Urdhvapadma , 149
Ordhvapundra , 86
Uriyadi , 105
UttamaChola, 12
Uttamapandyanallur, 23
Uttaradimatha, 137
Uttaravedi , 159-160
Uttaravedi Alagiyar, 133
Uttiramerur, 1, 118
Uttirasolai, 139

Vadakalai, 66, 67, 68, 71, 72,
73, 76, 78, 87, 88, 126,
130, 131, 132

Vadakku-tiru-vldipillai, 67,

69

Vada-Tiruvengada Jlyar, 77,

79, 81, 105, 112
Vadibhlkara Srinivasa, 85
Vahana mandapa. 50, 149, 154,
156, 163*, 168, 169
Vaibhavaprakdsika , 78
Vaikdsi, 124
Vaikhanasa dgama , 95
Vaikuntaperumal temple, 2,

Vairdgya-Panchaka, 71

Vaishnava(s), 1, 2,3, 5, 6, 7,

8, 26

Vaishnava-darsana , 66

Vaishnavadasa (c/fo,? Brahma-
tantra Svatantra), 137
Vaishnavite Alvars, 59
VaiSyas, 129, 133
Vnjapeya yaga, 83
Vallaiya Dandanayaka, 18
Vallam, 2

Vanamamalai Jlyar, 74, 75
Vanamamalai-wai/ra, 76, 130,
138

VUnam-sudikkum-fil, 116
Vandalanjeri, 13
Vanga-Kaling irayan, 48
Vangamulyur Udaiyan Arai-
yan Mummudi-Solan (alias
Anukkappallavaraiyan), 14
Van-Sa^agopa Jlyar, 80-81
Van-Satagopa-mor/w, 76, 81
Van-Sa^agopapuram, 80
Varada, 8

Varadadevi Amman, 29

(Lord) Varadaraja, 5, 6, 7, 8,
9, 28, 31, 37, 38, 44, 46, 47,
48,60,61, 62, 71, 74, 77,
85, 89, 102, 105, 106, 107,
108, 139, 160, 163, 164, 176
Varadardja-PaHchasat , 71,

100, 103

VaradarZjastavam , 8, 9, 64, 65,
100, 107

Varaha, 164, 165
Varaha shrine, 49, 51
Varamtarum perumal , 4
Varavaramum-Sadakam , 74
Vdriapperum akkal, 118, 119
Vdriar, 118
Varuna, 59

Vasanta-mandapa , 51, 148
Vasantaraya, 27
Vasantha toppu , 52, 102

Vasudeva Bajtar, 113
Vatapatrasayi temple, 159
Vayalaiyarru, 139
Vcda(s), 71, 95, 108, 113
Veda-matha, 137
Vedandrasagara Srlpad, 137
Vedanta, 62

Vedanta Dcsika, 6, 9, 51, 60,
66, 6 7,68,70-73, 88, 100,
103, 105, 137, 158
Vedanta Dcsika shrine, 50
Vedi, 149, 151, 157, 160
Vegavati (river), 1, 2, 24, 45,
141

Vehka, 59, 60
Velama, 27
Velamalai, 6
Vellala, 129

Vellore, 1,33,34,35, 36, 84,
156

Velugoti, 34
Vendan (Indra), 59
Vengadam, 59, 60
Vengi, 13, 14
Venkata, 30, 139
Venkata 1, 30, 50
Venkata II, 32, 33, 34, 83, 84,
122; 123, 175

Veakata III (Pedda Venkata),
33, 34

(Rayasam) Venkatadri, 31, 35,
84-85

Venkatagiri, 34
Venkatanatba, 70

Vcnkatapati, 32
Venkatapatideva-Maharaja,

32*

Venkata Varadacharya, 84
Venkatesvara, 77, 81
Venrumankonda Sambuvaraya,
25

Vibhishana, 71
Vidhi-dipa , 14

Vidw&ns , 136

Vidyaranya, 70, 71
Vijaya Gandagopala, 20, 21,
22, 23, 48, 98, 139

Vijayanagar, 2, 3, 7, 11, 12,
25, 26,27, 28,30,32,33,
34, 35, 60, 71, 76, 79, 80,
83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 108,
117, 121, 123, 124, 136, 142,
143, 144, 148, 150, 151, 152,
153, 155, 156, 157, 163, 164,
165, 167, 168, 175

VmyajiagaT-mandapas, 153*
154

206 Index

Vijaya Raya II, 27
Vikrama Chola, 4, 14, 15, 19,
21, 45, 56, 97, 142
Vikrama Chola I, 148, 150
Vikrama-Chola-Vinnagar-
alvar, 15

Vikramaditya, 13
Vikrama Pandya, 15
Vikrama solan-ula , 14
Vilakkoliksil, 105
Vilakkoliperumal temple, 78
VimTina , 151
Vimana-d evatas, 150
Vindhyan, 23
Viniydjam-seivar , 1 14-1 1 5
Vinjamur, 131
Vinnagar, 59
Vinnagiram, 60
Vinnappam-seivfir, 114
Vinukonda, 27
Virabhisheka, 20, 23

Vlra-C h ampar aya ( alias Sam-
buvaraya), 25

Vira-Chola, 25
Vira Gaodagopala, 21
Vlranarasimha, 16, 17, 22, 28,
122

Vira Narasingideva, 19
Vira Pandya, 15, 16, 24, 48
Viraperumal Edirili Chola

Sambuvarayan ( alias Raja-
raja Sambuvarayan), 25
Vira Rajendra Choladeva, 143
Virarajendra I, 13
Vira Somesvara, 18
Vira-Vallabadeva, 25
Virinchipuram, 156

Viriipaksha, 28, 50
Virupaksha 1, 26
Virupaksha II, 27

Virupaksba-dannayaka, 6, 30,

78, 141

Vishnu, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 13, 28, 44,
46, 59, 60, 86, 87, 150, 152,
159, 163, 164, 165, 166, 168,
176

Vishnu Chittarya, 69
Vishnudarmottara , 171
Vishnu-Kanchi (Little
Kanchi), 2, 3, 8, 21,129,

133, 134

Vishnu-Sahasranama, 5, 69
Vishnu shrine, 31
Vishnu temple(s), 3, 15, 74,
75, 81, 84, 86, 97, 100, 122,
123, 159

Vishnuvardhana, 13
Vishnuvardhana Vira Nara-
simha II, 18

Visishtadvaita , 60, 62, 63, 64,
71 ,*72, 82, 88
Visvakarma, 159
Visvaksena, 45, 61
Visva-Pundita, 33, 84, 123
VirvST.nun/frta-taDDll. 102

Vikhala temple, 169
Vritta-kumuda, 150, 151, 152,
153, 157, 158
Vyalavari, 151, 152, 158
Vyasatirtha, 137, 178

w

Wandiwash, 34
Warangal, 17, 24
Washermen, 117

West Coast (Goa), 1,21
Western Chalukyas, 13
Western Ghats, 33
Western gdpura, 157
Wodeyars, 84
Women, 135
Wood carvings, 178-179

Yachama, 33
Yadava, 24
Yadavabhyudaya, 71
Yitiraja-saptati, 71
Yadavaprakasa, 62, 63
Yadavaraya, 20
Yaddktakari , 7
Yadoktakari temple, 3, 4
Yadus, 18
Yajnamurti, 65
Ycili , 156

Yamunacharya, 63
Yamunaithuraivan prakUra ,
46

Yamuna ithuraivar, 46
YVpparungalavritti , 4
Yatidharmasamucchaya, , 63
Yatindrapravana-prabhUvam %

74

Yatiraja-Vimasati , 74
Yatisailam, 60
Yedur (Ettur), 84
Yuan Chuang, 1

Zulfikar Khan, 37

N.B. 1 is appearing without diacritics in the Index.

>»iff f',y

. | Oi ' 1,1

Fig 2 Anantasaras tank and the temple complex

m

SpfesKfSBis

Attan-Jiyar inscription Fig 4 Punyak6?i . v .

Fig 10 Western Gopura

Fig 16 Dasaratha and his queens

Fig 1 8 Vali-Sugriva fight

.rana scene

Fig 38 Paintings